Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I will participate in the June meeting of the European Council in Brussels tomorrow and Friday. The agenda will cover Ukraine, economic issues, security and defence, migration, and external relations. In his remarks later, the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will deal with external relations issues other than Ukraine and China.

At our meeting, Heads of State and Government will discuss the latest situation in Ukraine, including the consequences of the reckless destruction of the Kakhovka dam which has created a very serious humanitarian and ecological crisis. Leanfaimid ar aghaidh ag tabhairt tacaíocht don Úcráin chomh fada is a thógann sé. Tá an tAontas Eorpach fós tiomanta an cúnamh daonnúil, polaitiúil, eacnamaíoch, airgeadais agus míleata a theastaíonn uaithi a sholáthar don Úcráin. We will condemn the unlawful deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia and Belarus. This is a shocking abuse of human rights and international law. It cannot be allowed to stand. We will take stock of efforts to establish a tribunal to prosecute the crime of aggression so that those responsible for the war and its consequences can be held to account. We will also ask for work on the use of frozen Russian assets to assist the reconstruction of Ukraine to be taken forward. It is welcome that agreement has been reached on the 11th package of sanctions. This will help to increase pressure on Russia, weakening its ability to prosecute the war. It will also help us to target those in third countries who are helping Russia evade trade restrictions.

Ireland continues to support Ukraine’s application for membership of the EU, as well as the applications from Moldova and Georgia. The European Commission’s recent update on Ukraine’s efforts towards EU accession shows that good progress has been made, and this is very welcome. Ukraine’s future is in the European Union and I would like accession to proceed as quickly as possible. We will also consider how to ensure our financial assistance for Ukraine’s Government is put on a firmer footing. The Tánaiste's participation in the Ukraine recovery conference in London last week was an opportunity to discuss with international partners how to ensure a successful and effective reconstruction effort. In the context of our discussion on Ukraine, leaders may also reflect on the implications for Ukraine of developments in Russia at the weekend.

The June European Council will take stock of the current economic situation. The European Commission’s most recent economic forecasts on 15 May are for aggregate gross domestic product, GDP, growth in the European Union of 1% this year and 1.7% next year. Inflation remains a concern, and at its most recent governing council meeting on 15 June, the European Central Bank, ECB, decided to raise the three main interest rates by a further 25 basis points or 0.25%. The ECB expects euro area headline inflation to continue to fall to an average of 3% next year and 2.2% the year after.

While the global economy has begun to strengthen, there is continuing uncertainty about the evolution of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and its global impact. In its most recent economic outlook earlier this month, the OECD highlighted the importance of prioritising structural reforms to boost productivity by promoting competition and reviving investment while securing the green and digital transformations of our economies. Our June meeting will include the endorsement of the country-specific recommendations as part of the annual European semester process which helps to co-ordinate member states' economic, employment and fiscal policies.

The OECD emphasis also aligns well with the discussion leaders will have about strengthening the Single Market and Europe’s long-term competitiveness. As we mark its 30th anniversary this year, we want to see the EU continue to prioritise an open and ambitious approach to strengthening the Single Market. This includes the aims of leading the world in new technologies underpinning the green transition while shaping global standards with like-minded partners. I will encourage further work in this area, including that of a Belgian initiative calling for an independent high-level report on the future of the Single Market to be completed in time for its Presidency of the Council in the first half of next year.

Leaders will also invite the Council to take forward work on the proposed revision of the Union's multi-annual financial framework, MFF. The European Commission presented proposals on 20 June for a targeted revision of the EU budget to reinforce a limited number of priority areas. A significant portion of this additional spending relates to helping Ukraine in multi-annual terms, aligned with the current EU budget which runs to 2027. Other areas covered in the Commission’s proposal include external action and migration, a platform to promote competitiveness on critical technologies, and managing increased interest rates and administrative costs. Changes are not being proposed to agriculture or Cohesion funding. The Government will now examine these proposals carefully and in full. Leaders will have an initial discussion this week but will not take any decisions on the way forward, at least not next week.

Leaders will also discuss economic security issues against the backdrop of the evolving geopolitical situation, which has become less stable, less predictable, and less safe. Exchanges will be informed by the recent joint communication on a European economic security strategy produced by the European Commission and the High Representative. The strategy is focused on promoting the EU’s competitiveness, enhancing our protection from risks, and reinforcing the Union’s partnerships with reliable partners. Four categories of risks have been identified. These are risks to supply chains, to critical infrastructure, to technology security and leakage, and the risk of economic coercion. The joint communication is a good starting point for our discussions towards a stronger shared understanding of our economic interdependencies. Ireland will continue to engage constructively with this agenda, aiming to preserve maximum levels of economic openness and dynamism. This includes building on the progress we are already making in Europe through our trade and technology councils with the United States and India. Our commitment to open and rules-based multilateralism is fundamental to the democratic ideal that unites us.

Leaders will also have a strategic discussion on relations with China which will be informed by our discussions on economic issues and prospects. It is important the EU retains a consistent and united approach to its relations with China. We need to continue to work with China on important global challenges, such as climate change and biodiversity loss. We will continue to be major trade and economic partners but we need to rebalance our trade and economic relationship, ensuring a level playing field. We also need to reduce critical dependencies and vulnerabilities in supply chains. We also need to be clear about the EU’s commitment to respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and our concerns regarding forced labour, the treatment of human rights defenders and minorities. We also remain concerned about the situation in Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong.

On security and defence, the European Council will take stock of the progress on implementing our previous conclusions and the strategic compass, including in the areas of cyber, hybrid, maritime and space. We will also ask for work to be taken forward on the proposal relating to joint procurement of military equipment and on increasing the capability and resilience of Europe’s defence sector.

We will also have an exchange of views on EU-NATO co-operation with NATO Secretary General, Jens Stoltenberg, at the start of our discussions on Thursday. Ahead of this week, I have joined nine other leaders in writing to President Michel and President von der Leyen, calling for a strengthening of the EU’s civil protection mechanism to ensure we can better respond to natural and human-made disasters in a coherent and collective way.

Our discussions on migration will take place in the wake of the sad loss of life in the Mediterranean. Migration is a shared challenge and opportunity that requires an EU response. The recent agreement among justice ministers on the main elements of an asylum and migration pact is welcome. When in force, this will establish a common procedure for processing international protection requests, mandatory border procedures and a new flexible solidarity mechanism. The measures have to be finalised and adopted at EU level, but this agreement is a significant development. It is clear we need a comprehensive approach dealing with all aspects of the migration challenge - at the EU’s borders, within the EU and with countries of origin and transit outside the EU. This must be done in a way that is consistent with human rights and international law. Ireland will continue to work with our EU partners to ensure humanitarian and international legal obligations are upheld and the protection of life and safety at sea remains paramount. We will join in condemning the human traffickers and smugglers who are responsible for these deaths, as well as those who facilitate them.

In his remarks, the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will deal with the forthcoming EU-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States summit, the situation in Serbia and Kosovo, EU relations with Tunisia, and the situation in Cyprus. I look forward to updating the House again a few weeks after the meeting.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I join the Taoiseach in condemning the ongoing deportation of Ukrainian children to Belarus and Russia. It is something the international community must be incredibly vocal in condemning and find routes to resolve. The events at the weekend raise significant concerns. Whatever about the macro level and what it means for the Russian invasion and the outworking of the war, there are clear concerns we will see an intensification in the short term that will only lead to further suffering by ordinary people, especially in Ukraine.

I note there will be a discussion at the Council meeting on EU-NATO co-operation. That may be timely, following on from the so-called consultative forum that took place through four days and concluded yesterday evening. Although my party was rightly sceptical and critical of the format and purpose of the forum, we nevertheless engaged constructively. I attended for four days, as did other Sinn Féin Deputies. Despite the fact there was no formal role for the Opposition, we took every available opportunity to outline what Ministers largely failed to address, namely, that Ireland has a proud record and tradition of military neutrality and independent foreign policy that has not only served the Irish people well but also allowed us to play a positive and constructive role in the world. Any discussions we have in that regard need to come from that starting point. I am interested to know what the Government plans to convey to European counterparts in the discussions on EU-NATO co-operation. In the first instance, co-operation with NATO or any other military alliance is a matter for individual member states. For the EU to truly reflect and appreciate the diversity of member states on this issue, we should be working with EU colleagues to ensure neutral states are respected as such within the EU treaties to add to the strings on the EU bow in terms of dealing with international issues as they have been formulated. The most concrete statement I have heard from a Government representative in respect of NATO was that of the Tánaiste last year, when he determined that joining NATO would not require a referendum in this State. That is why it is so important we move towards a citizens' assembly to outline and agree a formula of words that will enshrine neutrality in the Constitution.

Several EU Council meetings took place in recent days. On Monday, the Agriculture and Fisheries Council discussed trade-related agricultural issues. It is beyond ironic that while in Ireland there has been sustained discussion on the role of agriculture and our domestic carbon emissions, the Brazilian meat industry has been unveiling plans to increase the cattle herd there by 6.5 million to meet its projected export demand as occurred last autumn. It would be useful to get clarification from the Government that it will be informing the Council of EU leaders that Ireland will resist efforts to conclude a Mercosur trade agreement.

The Foreign Affairs Council, which also met on Monday, decided to renew mandates of two missions to Palestine, namely, the EU border assistance mission at the Rafah crossing point and the EU police mission in the Palestinian territories. In the context of discussing the Palestinian territories in particular, it would be useful to know whether the Government has raised at European level the international commission of inquiry on the occupied Palestinian territory. This report found that the rights of civil society members in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory are being violated by authorities in all areas. It is crucial that Ireland provides a leading voice at EU level for actions against the ongoing Israeli attacks and breaches of international law against the Palestinian people.

Mairéad Farrell (Galway West, Sinn Fein)
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The issue of the ongoing process of EU reform is at the forefront in Europe. When it came to the fiscal rules, for example, Ireland was not vocal enough as a State. It was necessary for the finance committee to help drive a submission on it. Unfortunately, the new rules look a lot like the old rules. Although there are some new exemptions from debt and deficit considerations, mainly in defence spending, there have been calls, including from Sinn Féin, for exemptions in the context of climate and housing. Climate is a massive crisis we are currently facing and it needs to be faced on an EU-wide level as well as worldwide. As regards the exemptions for military spending, we know the impact wars have on the environment. That needs to be considered.

The area of state aid rules and industrial policy is another that has long been in need of reform. At EU level, there has been talk of the need for renewed focus on industrial policy. That is particularly the case following the introduction of the Inflation Reduction Act in the US and the rising risk of deindustrialisation in Europe. Efforts to encourage industrial policy have long had to accommodate a strict focus on competition policy and state aid rules, but in March the Commission adopted the temporary crisis and transition state aid framework, which has loosened the rules to prevent an exodus of green projects across the Atlantic. My understanding is that it grants the possibility to provide investment and even operational state aid for approved aid schemes to encourage a reduction in the dependency on imported fossil fuels. However, it also extends the possibility of member states setting up state aid schemes aimed at the decarbonisation of industrial production. That is welcome if it is used wisely. There are real opportunities here. When it comes to these key reformist discussions, however, the Government simply has not been vocal enough. It needs to prepare for this and get involved.

Chris Andrews (Dublin Bay South, Sinn Fein)
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The agenda of the upcoming European Council meeting paints a grim picture of where priorities lie.

2 o’clock

It clearly shows the one-directional path the EU has chosen to follow, which is a pathway of increased militarisation across the Euro zone. With talk of the EU defence capacity in terms of the procurement, investment and production of weapons in 2021, the EU exported in excess of €179 billion worth of arms. We should be working to reduce, not increase, arms exports. I assume at this meeting there will be no mention of the deadly use of the EU-made weapons on civilians, The indiscriminate use of EU weapons in Palestine has led to death, injury, and loss of limbs of countless civilians. Thirty-nine children have been murdered by apartheid Israel this year so far. Israel clearly violates laws surrounding arms trade but yet the weapons keep on flowing in. Two weeks ago, we saw five killed in Jenin and more than 80 injured. Ambulances rushing to help the injured were targeted by Israeli forces, which is another violation of international law.

When will we see Ireland as a neutral state, using its voice on the European Council as a voice for peace? For decades Ireland was to the fore as a mediator in conflict, working for peaceful solutions, but that voice of Ireland has been silent for too long. We are hiding behind the pretence that Europe is restricting our taking a principled stand on the mayhem, apartheid and terrorism Israel is imposing on Palestinian people.

As an aside, apartheid Israel is where the Irish record goal scorer Robbie Keane is going to manage a football team, Maccabi Tel Aviv. This same state has murdered four children on a beach in the Gaza Strip and has led to the blocking of children coming to Ireland with Gaza Action Ireland to play sport right across the country. The same state that has imposed terror and apartheid. It is recognised by B'Tselem and Amnesty International that Israel is an apartheid state and I ask Robbie Keane to reconsider his decision.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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I am glad to have an opportunity to speak briefly in advance of the upcoming European Council meeting. Clearly, the first and major item that will be discussed in the formal sessions is the awful conflict in Ukraine, and I imagine en margeeven more detailed briefings will be given to members, having regard to the illegal attack on a sovereign state by Russia and the evolving situation there, particularly what has happened over the weekend. I imagine even in the next couple of days that situation might well fundamentally change. There is talk now that the private plane of the former Russian Prime Minister and former President Medvedev is in Qatar. There is talk that one of the most senior generals in the Russian army had prior knowledge of the coup. Therefore, I think there will be further developments there.

What is not in doubt is the solidarity being offered by all members of the democratic community, and I include in that all members of the European Union, to Ukraine. In concrete financial terms, a total of €75 billion has been allocated to Ukraine, both in military support from those countries which are capable and wish to do that and in humanitarian support from others. I had the opportunity last year to visit Ukraine first hand, see the devastation in places like Bucha, Makariv and Irpin, and speak to the people directly concerned.

It is important that Deputies here talk about peace and Ireland's role in that. It is also important we understand there must be the capacity to resist armed aggression. Otherwise there is no international rules-based order. There is a unique opportunity for Ireland to develop our own significant neutral posture as a force for good and a force for persuasion. I am aware in much of the debate that we sometimes exaggerate the role Ireland has played historically in that. There are other countries such as Switzerland or Norway which have been much more proactive in peacebuilding and I hope that will form part, not only of our presentations to other European partners, but also of the future posture of Ireland.

The second big agenda item that will be discussed is, obviously, building a resilient economy in Europe. We need to have responses. We discussed that the previous time we had these discussions on how we can respond or react. In the United States, there is formal state support through enormous sums of money to develop robust new technologies in America. I read today that the state of New York, for example, is matching this very generous support from the American taxpayer with state support of up to $5.5 billion to develop the capacity within that state for chip manufacturing. We need to be ambitious within the European Union to match that sort of issue.

On a much more modest basis, we need to look at how we deal how the relaxation of state aid rules have been taken advantage by some but not by others, and this is a matter I have raised formally with the Taoiseach. Germany and France have been to the fore in ensuring their industries that need state aid to develop have been enabled to do that. We should look formally for derogations from any state aid rules that would allow us to develop to our full potential, in particular, to be parochial, to ensure our offshore renewable energy capacity is fully developed from this State. That means championing ports, Rosslare Europort in particular, as a base to facilitate the development of offshore renewable energy. I hope the Government will ensure there are no impediments to direct supports and investments to ensure we have the capacity to do that. I know both the Taoiseach and the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, are fully cognisant of that, particularly the Minister of State from his previous role. I hope there will be some level of commitment given to the House in that regard and, if there are any issues, that they will be addressed by the Taoiseach when he is talking to his colleagues in Brussels.

Seán Haughey (Dublin Bay North, Fianna Fail)
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I want to say a few words on the consultative forum on international security policy now that it has concluded. Certainly, I found the discussions and debates very interesting and informative. Thankfully, those who tried to disrupt it did not succeed and the wider public got a chance to consider the issues that now must be addressed. In fact, you would have to wonder what all the fuss was about.

I spoke in the Dáil debate on the forum, held on 18 May last, and made the following points. There are clearly new and emerging threats to our security and defence. It would have been negligent and irresponsible of our Government not to consider these threats. There should be no question of us joining NATO. The EU's Common Security and Defence Policy is not a stepping stone to a European army. We should continue our involvement in permanent structured co-operation, PESCO, missions and the NATO-led Partnership for Peace. Both these organisations may be able to play a role in safeguarding underseas pipelines and telecommunications cables in the future. Central to our foreign policy should be peacekeeping, conflict prevention, peacebuilding, arms control, nuclear disarmament and the tackling of global hunger. Our long colonial past and our ability to deploy soft power allows Ireland to exercise a positive neutrality. Finally, the triple lock has to go. We cannot have authoritarian regimes vetoing our plans to take part in overseas missions.

I was interested in the Taoiseach's comments to the effect that our non-membership of NATO helped us greatly helped us greatly in securing a seat on the UN Security Council. Therefore, we can still play an active role in all those areas I mentioned because we are not a member of NATO.

That is something we should be conscious of.

The Taoiseach said migration will be raised at the European Council meeting. Migration is now a major challenge for the EU and the wider world. We witnessed an appalling tragedy off the coast of Greece recently when a packed fishing vessel capsized. This resulted in hundreds of migrants drowning. We are told that nine Egyptian men have been arrested and that those on board may have paid up to $4,500 each for their passage. It is now estimated that more than 27,000 people have drowned in the Mediterranean while trying to make the journey to the EU.

We heard recently about the EU voluntary solidarity packed agreed in 2022. The aim of the pact is to redistribute migrants from the southern EU states, namely, Cyprus, Greece, Malta, Italy and Spain. In solidarity with these states, we committed to taking 350 asylum seekers and international protection applicants. However, because the situation changed significantly since then we have agreed instead to pay €1.5 million in lieu. That is understandable as Ireland is accommodating over 86,500 refugees and asylum seekers at this time. This includes 65,600 Ukrainian beneficiaries of temporary protection and 20,900 international protection applicants. This is proving challenging. The war in the Ukraine has displaced 16 million people. The migration crisis is only going to get worse due to the ongoing conflicts in the world and of course climate change.

I welcome the agreement reached recently by EU justice ministers to modernise the union’s approach to asylum and migration. We are told the system will now be fairer, more efficient and more sustainable and that it will be streamlined and made uniform across EU states. The tackling of criminal gangs must be central to this new regime. I am not sure whether it will involve arrangements with some of the countries of origin, such as, for example, Tunisia. These deals will need to be fully transparent and based on sound principles, given that some of these countries have authoritarian regimes in place. The main point I wish to make is that we need to substantially increase the legal pathways into the EU. We have a skills shortage in Ireland. Surely we can match our critical skills shortage with the needs of migrants and asylum seekers fleeing war, prosecution and climate disasters? We can take Georgia as an example. Huge numbers of Georgians are arriving here and claiming international protection, yet many of them are in fact economic migrants seeking employment in the building and construction industry. Surely we can come up with a legal pathway for these Europeans trying to find employment and accommodation in this country? I will leave that there for the moment.

Turning to the war in Ukraine, what are we to make events in Russia over the weekend with the attempted coup by Yevgeny Prigozhin of the Wagner Group? The hope must be that these developments will weaken Putin and give the Ukrainians a much-needed break. As we know, Ukraine’s counteroffensive has commenced and the bloody war continues. I welcome the announcement agreement has been reached by the EU on the 11th round of sanctions. It seems the implementation of previous sanctions announced to date was proving to be problematic and that they were being circumvented in some cases. The 11th round of sanctions is an attempt to deal with this problem. We hope they will be effective.

I also raise again the threats to the Zaporizhzhia nuclear facility. We have seen the destruction caused by the blowing up of the Kakhovka dam. The dam facilitated the provision of cooling water to the plant and there is certainly the possibility the plant itself could be weaponised. The facility at Zaporizhzhia is Europe’s biggest atomic power plant. It must be protected to avoid an environmental catastrophe. It is in Russian-controlled territory. All sides must allow the International Atomic Energy Agency to do whatever it takes to ensure the plant is safeguarded.

Ireland was represented at the Ukraine recovery conference in London last week by the Tánaiste. Serious efforts must now be made to use frozen Russian assets to finance the reconstruction of Ukraine. At an EU level, over €200 million worth of assets of the Central Bank of Russia have been seized and another €30 billion worth of private assets of Russian oligarchs have been immobilised. There is no doubt that this is a complex issue, but I look forward to seeing the Commission’s proposals in this regard as soon as possible. The World Bank has estimates that the cost of Ukrainian reconstruction could be €1 trillion or more. At the conference last week, the EU committed €50 billion to rebuild Ukraine and fund public services. I welcome that. Private donors are also committing hard cash to this endeavour. Whatever way one looks at it, there is a long road ahead and the sooner this war is over the better for everyone. The EU must also continue to help Ukraine in its desire to join the EU by assisting it to meet the criteria for membership and, as I said, by reconstructing the country.

Paul Donnelly (Dublin West, Sinn Fein)
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I draw Deputies’ attention to a line from a statement from the European Council on the ongoing situation in Palestine and the crimes inflicted on the Palestinian people by Israel. The council stated, "Settlements are illegal under international law. Israel must stop settlement expansion, prevent settler violence, and ensure the perpetrators are held accountable". The perpetrators of murder and violence against Palestinian men, women and children are the Israeli Defence Forces. The Israeli authorities, backed up by the brutality of the Israeli army, are engaged in a campaign designed to reduce Palestinian territory to a series of scattered enclaves surrounded by security cordons. Where is the direct call from the European Council for the Israeli Government to rein in its defence forces and stop the random, indiscriminate acts of violence against innocent civilians? It is veiled in one line, namely, "Military operations must be proportionate and in line with international humanitarian law". As we know, this has been blindly ignored by Israel. The situation in recent months has been intolerable.

Since 1975, while relations between the EU and Israel have blossomed, Israel has continuously breached the generally accepted rules of international behaviour laid down in the UN Charter. Article 2.4 of the charter states: "All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations." Throughout its existence as a state, Israel has treated this article of the UN Charter with contempt and has used force against its neighbours regularly. Israel is violating over 30 Security Council resolutions that require action by it. If any other state in the world were guilty of such persistent refusals to obey the will of the international community, it would be subject to continual threats of economic sanctions, military sanctions, or both, from the EU, but no such calls have been made by the EU or the Government. We also remember the direct insult to our capital city in 2018 when Dublin City Council passed a motion supporting the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement and Israeli authorities tried unsuccessfully to prevent the then mayor of Dublin Councillor Mícheál Mac Donncha, from entering the Palestinian territories when he was on his way to attend meetings in Ramallah.

The Minister stated recently that at an EU level endeavours are under way to create a group of like-minded states that can change the direction on Palestine within the EU. In order to raise it at a European Council meeting, there must be a focus on the context. Will the Minister of State commit to the Government raising this issue at the next European Council meeting?

We need to move now to stop the killing of innocent Palestinians, attacks on homes, shootings, knife attacks, the theft of livestock and land, and the burning of crops, which occur daily. We must stop attacks such as the recent settler attacks on Palestinians in Huwara in the presence of the Israeli army. A new phenomenon in Palestine is the Israeli army giving settlers a free hand to commit arson, theft and murder.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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I want to begin with the nature restoration law, the first Continent-wide, comprehensive law of its kind. I hope it will be the most consequential legislation passed by the current European Parliament. It is in jeopardy for the very reason that Fine Gael's partner in the European Parliament, the European People's Party, EPP, has once again played its nefarious, right-wing, conservative hand to bring down a law that would benefit Europe and humanity as a whole. The law is a key element of the EU biodiversity strategy. It calls for binding targets to restore degraded ecosystems, in particular those with the most potential to capture and store carbon and prevent and reduce the impact of natural disasters. Our very own citizen's assembly garnered similar findings, and we are already lagging on the targets we have set for ourselves in this area.

The Bill aims to restore ecosystems, habitats and species across the EU's land and sea areas to enable the long-term and sustained recovery of biodiverse and resilient nature, to contribute to achieving the EU's climate mitigation and adaptation objectives and to meet international commitments. It is about preserving the very planet we live on.

The centre right, particularly the EPP, of which Fine Gael is founding member and with which it continues to be partnered, and far-right parties want to reject outright the proposal that aims to restore habitats and species that have been degraded by human activity and climate change, saying it threatens agricultural production and therefore food safety. EPP legislator Christine Schneider reiterated the party's stance recently, calling for the European Commission to "rewrite" its proposal, describing it as a "badly-designed law". This is badly designed scapegoating and the world cannot wait. Ms Schneider's statement is not in line with our values. We do not have time to waste when it comes to preserving our environment.

Fine Gael's friend the EPP withdrew from negotiations in the European Parliament on this issue, citing potential effects on farmers and rural communities. This is fearmongering. The party is making wildly inaccurate statements without foundation. This stance is so incredibly out of touch with our climate and biodiversity targets. How can Fine Gael continue to align itself with such a conservative climate policy during the greatest emergency our planet has ever faced? This is not even the most egregious action of the EPP during the current term of the European Parliament.

A dark cloud is hanging over Europe. More than 5,000 deaths have been recorded on European migration routes since 2021, and 29,000 have died in the past ten years on these routes. The Missing Migrants Project records show that many of the deaths on migratory routes to destination countries in Europe could have been prevented by prompt and effective assistance to migrants in distress.

The actions of some EU governments recently have been beyond negligent, if not nefarious, when it comes to migrants and refugees. The EPP and the European Council are to the fore in this regard. In 2019, those involved heartlessly voted down an EU resolution that would have compelled states to step up search-and-rescue operations relating to migrants in small boats in the Mediterranean. All four of Fine Gael's MEPs voted against the resolution, which was lost by two votes. This was a conscious decision to disregard the lives of those fleeing famine, war and persecution in search of a better life. It is both ironic and sickening to hear Fine Gael express its care and concern for refugees when it has a hand in the disasters owing to the vote.

Human trafficking and smuggling are often used as a scapegoat for voting down progressive resolutions such as the one in question. The result is a catastrophic loss of life and absolutely no reduction in trafficking. Therefore, it is fair to assume the EPP's aim in voting the way it did was not just to attempt to end trafficking but also to make it harder for migrants to reach our shores, regardless of the monumental risk involved. The party is playing to the base of its conservative voters, who have been whipped into a frenzy by scaremonger actors on the right.

Reports from survivors relayed to the International Organization for Migration indicate that at least 252 people died during alleged forced expulsions by European authorities, also known as pushbacks, since 2021. The EU and its member states must take urgent and concrete action to save lives and reduce deaths during migration journeys. States must uphold the right to life of all people by preventing further deaths and disappearances. This should include prioritising search and rescue on land and at sea, including the ending of the criminalisation of non-governmental actors providing humanitarian assistance to migrants in distress.

Ireland should be a leader when it comes to standing up for the most vulnerable across Europe. That is the only message I hope the Taoiseach carries as he sits down at the European Council this week.

Marc Ó Cathasaigh (Waterford, Green Party)
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I will be addressing more or less the same broad themes referred to by Deputy Gannon, namely, the nature restoration law and migration. I noted that the letter of invitation to the EU Council meeting sent by President Charles Michelle refers specifically to the recent tragic shipwreck in the Mediterranean and what he termed our European migratory approach. It has been difficult over the past couple of weeks not to be struck by the grotesque juxtaposition of the small but genuine tragedy of the submersible and the response to the ship that capsized owing to the number of migrants on it. In the first case, there was wall-to-wall media coverage, and the forces of many states were leveraged to carry out a search-and-rescue mission in what was ultimately not a successful exercise. In the second case, there was the spectacle of coastguard forces and the media stepping away from a huge human tragedy unfolding right before their eyes. It is difficult to think about this without considering the fact that we are still criminalising people who are actually attempting to intervene. In particular, I am thinking of Seán Binder, an Irish citizen who still has charges against him for attempting to help people who find themselves in absolutely hopeless circumstances.

The agenda for the meeting ahead refers to a European migratory approach in line with EU principles, values and fundamental rights. It is difficult to make this measure up against the treatment of the 750 migrants who lost their lives in the Mediterranean and the people who try to intervene on their behalf. It is difficult not to think of our own history on this island, from which people made difficult journeys on what were termed "coffin ships". We are now seeing a similar dynamic play across the Mediterranean.

The issue of migration is not going to go away. In fact, it is likely to become more pronounced unless we address its causes. The causes are manifold, of course. They are political in many circumstances but also have to do with our changing climate. Unless we are serious on a EU-wide scale, because no one state in the EU can respond to this unilaterally, and unless we are serious about fulfilling our obligations to migrants equitably, sharing responsibility across member states, the problem will become more pronounced. Unless we are serious about development aid and addressing the root causes of migration, unless we are serious about negotiating a loss-and-damage facility at the next COP, and unless we are serious about the likes of intellectual property rights on climate technology in order to allow developing countries to leapfrog a fossil fuel era and unlock sustainable development, thereby reducing the need for their people to seek shelter and safety elsewhere, the issue of migration will not be addressed.

The other issue I want to raise is related to the nature restoration law but it is also about security. We had an unprecedented news weekend following the uprising or attempted coup in Russia, or whatever it was, and the spectacle of the Wagner forces marching to within 200 km of Moscow. However, we know Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine has had all sorts of other implications, one being related to world food commodity prices. We are aware that, in many senses, Ukraine is a breadbasket for many parts of the developing world and provides huge amounts of wheat.

We saw how interconnected our food system is, and our supply chains in general. We saw how easily they can be disrupted. We saw a massive rethink globally moving from a "just in time" provision that we see in global logistics, to a "just in case" provision. We have to reflect on that here in terms of our own production, in particular our food production. When I saw "here", I mean here in Ireland but also within the EU.

Just this week temperatures in Spain are absolutely soaring. All sorts of problems with water supply are coming into very clear view. There were also water supply issues all across France last year. It led to the shut down of some of its nuclear reactors. The River Po in northern Italy more or less ran dry last year. The issue of food security within our EU borders is coming more and more to the fore. That is one reason why I will back the nature restoration law, for example. That piece is both around climate adaptation and climate mitigation, that we limit the change in our global climate and also adapt to it in order to have better functioning rivers for example that can respond both to prolonged periods of drought as well as flood, that we think differently about our wetlands in regard to both carbon storage and also water storage and that we think differently about our soils and food production because without proper functioning soils and a healthy microbiome there we are at nought.

It also has to have an implication in terms of how we think of our own food systems here in Ireland. We talk a good deal about food sovereignty or food security but that masks the fact that actually our food system is to a large extent based on an import-export model. We export a lot of calories that have come through grassland. We know we can produce grassland better than most countries by dint of the climate we have. That is predominantly meat and dairy. We export up to 90% of the calories we produce through those systems. On the flipside of that coin, we import large amounts of the calories that we actually eat. That issue in Spain will become critical in that much of the vegetables and fruit that ends up on our supermarket shelves come from Spain or even further afield. Yet, within our own country, horticulture is becoming increasingly difficult as a business. We have fewer and fewer vegetable growers operating within our own shores. The nature restoration law is the only pathway I have seen that allows farmers and land owners to look beyond our 2030 targets and look out to 2050. We should actually concentrate on discussing the multi-annual funding framework that will be put in place to support a nature restoration law that I hope will pass plenary in July so that we reward people who operate not just our food services but all of those ecosystem services within our communities for how they steward the landscape. It is pivotal legislation. I very much hope it passes when it reaches plenary in July.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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According to the Taoiseach, the Minister of State will give some sort of update in relation to a number of issues including Serbia and Kosovo. At the Committee on European Union Affairs earlier we were dealing with the western Balkans. We know the story, in the sense that the EU was not necessarily serious about accession for a number of years. There was an element of dealing with the rule of law issues and when the house was in order it would look at who it would allow in. The world has significantly changed. Some of the countries in the western Balkans probably felt they did not get a fair hearing. Some of the initial support may have waned across some of the western Balkans in regard to the EU. If people are not provided with a route map they may find other route maps into the future. That is something the European Union and Ireland has to be vociferous in regard to. It is just that we have a decent level of engagement. We see what has happened in regard to Serbia and Kosovo and the Kosovan police officers who were arrested, held and let go. However, that is only one of the many issues if we are talking about what is happening at the minute in the Republika Srpska and across the board. We need to make sure it can reach the criteria required for the European Union and that we show it a route map. We must provide a route map to those looking towards Europe and away from some of the other players that are at play at the moment. Let us be clear, Russia is one of them. We have to make sure that we can show them a European future that is worthwhile and beneficial to all of us.

It goes without saying that everybody in here would utterly condemn the deportation of Ukrainian children to Belarus and to Russia and the madness in regard to the Kakhovka dam. One cannot stand over anything this particular Russian regime has done. We were all watching what was happening in Rostov-on-Don and the road to Moscow. Who would have thought that private military subcontractors could come home to roost and almost bite the hand that previously fed them? That is what happens in oligarchies. We do not know what the future holds. Somebody like Vladimir Putin, when he has been shown to be weak, we do not know what he will do. From our point of view we need to maintain solidarity but beyond that if there is any chance in the near future we have to make sure that emphasis is put on a peace deal that can stop what is absolutely dreadful for those suffering in this war and invasion. However, I do not believe it will come as any shock that many people here will bring up the fact that the EU could do with having a proper conversation, particularly at the EU Council meeting, in relation to other parts of the world where we are seeing apartheid, annexation and absolute, downright murder which we have seen from the Israeli regime as regards Palestine. We need to see fairness across the board.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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The war on neutrality we are seeing in this country forms part of a wider process of European militarisation that is seen in the applications of Sweden and Finland to join NATO and in the unprecedented increase in military expenditure right across the European Union where in 2022 the announced increase in military expenditure was bigger than total EU military expenditure across all the member states in 2020. That is the increase alone. That is a huge drive towards war, militarisation and towards eradicating any form of neutrality.

In this country it is clear that after the sham consultative forums, what is in the sights of the Government and political establishment is the triple lock. They would have people believe that this is a response to Putin's horrendous invasion of Ukraine and that it is now obvious of course that we have to get rid of the triple lock. They would have people believe that this has nothing to do with the question of neutrality, that we will just get rid of the triple lock and neutrality is a completely separate question. The truth is very far from that. It is important to put on the record that the Fine Gael position 20 years ago was to get rid of the triple lock. In a policy paper called Beyond Neutrality it described the triple lock as a political straightjacket and said it should go. This is a longstanding policy of Fine Gael and now it sees the opportunity to get rid of it. Why? Because it wants a free hand to send troops wherever it wants. If it was not for the triple lock, not only would we have disgracefully aided and abetted US imperialism in its adventures in the Middle East for which hundreds of thousands of people paid with their lives through the use of Shannon Airport but Irish troops could have been sent abroad. The hawkish position says to get rid of the triple lock entirely and have a so-called double lock, which is no lock at all. It would comprise the Government and the Dáil, in which the Government would have a majority. The position of Deputy Eamon Ryan and the Green Party is to have an EU lock. The EU lock would also be no lock at all. One may as well ask NATO or US imperialism as to get the permission of the EU to engage in military action.

Mick Barry (Cork North Central, Solidarity)
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I understand that the European Council will again be discussing migration and there are some points on this subject I want to bring to the attention of the House.

Some residents of the direct provision centre at the Kinsale Road in Cork have recently received correspondence from International Protection Accommodation Services, IPAS, stating that they are to be transferred to a disused Army camp in County Wicklow. These residents are asylum seekers who have successfully applied for asylum. They now have their papers but have to date been, understandably, unable to source new accommodation because of the housing crisis. Other residents have received a different item of correspondence. These are people whose applications for asylum have been rejected but who are currently seeking judicial review in the High Court. They are to be sent to Knockalisheen in County Clare where they are to be accommodated in tents. They are being told that they are to be evicted from the tented accommodation after just four weeks. I understand that other people in a similar position in other parts of the country are being sent here too.

I do not have a report on the conditions at Knockalisheen. However, I have a report from the community action tenant union, CATU, which is campaigning alongside the residents on the conditions is Wicklow. The Wicklow camp in Kilbride is a grim place. It is in the middle of nowhere. There is no village, no shop or no facilities. The place itself has bunk beds crammed together. There is no storage space and there is a ban on anyone entering or exiting after 7 p.m. Imagine what this means for people forced to live there. They may have medical or psychiatric needs. They may have lived in the city for the last ten years. Now they are being uprooted and cast into a wilderness. One person has a job she may have to quit. Another has a child going to the Munster Technical University. I do not know what she is going to do.

At the same time as these transfers are taking place, I understand that there are refugees from Ukraine who have received correspondence stating that they are to be moved from accommodation in private homes to Kinsale Road. It is clear that a very large scale dislocation is being organised here, yet there is no transparency around it. How many ex-asylum seekers with papers are being moved to the Wicklow camp? How many people are being sent to County Clare and face the choice of self-deportation or imminent homelessness? How many refugees are being told to leave their current place of residence and are being moved to the Kinsale Road direct provision centre? Is this happening just in Cork or is it nationwide? There is an unprecedented number of refugees and asylum seekers coming to our country. No one is saying that dealing with the challenges posed by this is easy but what is going on in Cork is pretty ugly. All in all, it represents a new low in State racism. This is happening on the watch of this Government. Indeed, it is happening on the watch of a Green Party Minister. I hope that some good can come of the fact that I have been able to shed some light on what is going on.

Jennifer Murnane O'Connor (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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As we know, over the course of the two-day European Council summit in Brussels this week, the EU leaders will discuss Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine and continued EU support to Ukraine as well as the economy, security, defence, migration and external relations. We have had many challenges in the last year or two years. Communication and information will be key at this summit. Information is important, in particular in regard to migration and what Ireland has to do to the best of its ability. We need to make sure that we do it right and we communicate it back to the people we represent.

I would like to address the issue of climate change. I want to ask about funding coming to Ireland for water quality, climate change and local councils to investigate issues of environmental concern. Under the EU's good agricultural practice for the protection of water regulation, the county councils have powers of investigation. They also have powers regarding air pollution. Later today I am going to speak about water quality in regard to septic tanks and water. The newspapers today voice huge concern on this issue.

Last week in my county of Carlow and on the border of Laois there was a terrible smell all around the place. I believe some kind of sewage was being spread. I passed the details on to our local council and to the EPA but I received no answer back. This is just a small example but it is something that we have to be very mindful of. I know of people who were stuck in their homes and unable to open windows because of the smell. This was during the heatwave. I visited and talked to people but I could not give them an explanation. They said to me that we are in Europe and we are very much working with the Government on climate change and helping with migration in whatever way we can. These were all older people. We need to look at these issues and at funding where possible. These are issues within our own area. As someone who is working in the local community, like other Deputies and Ministers, I feel that for all the talk of climate change within the EU, we have to start at home. Unless we try to work on the issues affecting us locally and affecting our air, we are in trouble. I could get no information. I tried the local authorities but nothing came back. Can we put some plan in place, looking at resolutions and at funding for this?

This summit is very important. All the EU leaders will meet to discuss what has happened in Russia. We have to support our Ukrainian residents. I reiterate that communication and information are going to be key here in regard to what we can do to support those most in need.

Mark Ward (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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One of the items on the agenda of the upcoming meeting is that leaders are expected to give further guidance on EU security and defence capacity. In his contribution, will the Taoiseach acknowledge that years of under-investment in our Defence Forces by successive Governments have depleted our defence capabilities? It is little wonder that the Government now wants us to further align with military blocs, to undertake tasks it has rendered our Defence Forces incapable of doing. The consultative forum on Ireland's international security policy set up by the Tánaiste is a blatant attempt to undermine Irish neutrality. Sinn Féin wants to rebuild our Defence Forces so that we can protect our neutrality, defend and monitor our skies and seas and protect ourselves from modern threats, including cybersecurity attacks.

This is another European Council meeting at which Palestine is not on the agenda. Only this week, Israel's government approved plans to build thousands of new homes in illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank. This is an act of open war against the Palestinian people. The decision comes amid rising violence in the occupied territories. Last week the Tánaiste tweeted that he was deeply shocked by the murder of four innocent Israelis in the West Bank. He went on to say that he was also alarmed by the killing of seven Palestinians in Jenin. The choice of language used by the Tánaiste is very telling. Israelis are "murdered" but in the same tweet, Palestinians are "killed".

There is a sporting boycott on Israel because of the apartheid crimes against the Palestinian people. It was deeply disappointing to see former Irish international soccer player, Robbie Keane, go to manage Maccabi Tel Aviv. My concern is that this move is another attempt at sports washing. When people of the stature of Robbie Keane ply their trade in Israel, it is an attempt to gloss over and legitimise the apartheid regime. Can the Taoiseach raise the issue of sport washing apartheid regimes at the meeting? Robbie Keane said in an interview yesterday that he was going to Israel for sporting reasons. This is no consolation to the family of Omar Abu Qatin, a footballer for Turmus Ayya, who was killed last Wednesday. The 25-year-old leaves behind a wife and two children after being shot in the chest outside his home. He worked as an electrician during the week but put on his boots for Turmus Ayya at weekends.

Does the Minister know that since Palestine became a member of FIFA in 1998 not one European country has ever played a soccer match against Palestine? I met the Palestinian FA in Al-Ram last year. It told me that it would welcome the opportunity to play the Irish soccer team. Given the historical connection between Ireland and Palestine, this would be a wonderful show of solidarity. If it was an all-Ireland soccer team, it would be even better. Ireland has played historic matches previously. In 1951 Ireland became the first country to host Germany after World War Two. We were world leaders then and we could become world leaders again by offering the olive branch to the Palestinian people. Will the Taoiseach ask why no members of the EU have played Palestine in international football matches? Would the Irish Government support the hosting of Palestine for an international friendly?

Peter Fitzpatrick (Louth, Independent)
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I am grateful for the opportunity to contribute to this debate in advance of the EU summit tomorrow and Friday.

It is good to see the return of country reports and country-specific recommendations this year. These are key aspects of the European semester process and help to drive progress on structural reforms. Let me take this opportunity to thank the European Commission for its useful analysis in the country report for Ireland. It is undoubtedly an important input into our national dialogue.

These will direct how we build a robust and future-proofed economy that will secure long-term prosperity. In this context, it is really important that we discuss with our European counterparts how we approach the impact of rising inflation, energy prices and interest rates on our citizens.

As the House will be acutely aware, the international economic outlook is serious. The uneven receding of the pandemic around the world led to the emergence of inflationary pressures, which have been significantly exacerbated by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The economic impacts are significant, including a sharp rise in energy and commodity prices. The most recent figures show that euro area annual inflation was 8.1% and 8.8% across the EU. The European Central Bank has indicated that interest rates will continue to rise. While we do not know how matters will unfold in the global economy over the period ahead, clear risks are already apparent within the eurozone and across other developed economies. It is, therefore, appropriately on the agenda that we focus on the indirect consequences of the conflict in Ukraine. Three crises are running hand-in-hand - the cost-of-living crisis, the energy crisis and the food crisis superimposed on that.

Figures from EUROSTAT confirm that Ireland is the most expensive country in Europe. Prices are 40% above the EU average. Part of that is down to the electricity prices we are paying, which are among the highest in Europe. A unit of electricity here costs 26% more than the EU average and the electricity companies are making significant bumper profits. In other countries in Europe, governments have been forced to bring in windfall taxes on these super profits. We should do the same. The 50% tax on these mega profits would bring in €300 million, which could be used to rapidly roll out attic insulation and retrofitting to help people cut energy usage and energy bills, particularly given that Louth County Council has stopped taking applications for housing adaptation grants due to running out of funding. It has made a request to the Government for €570,000. This is also important in the context of the nursing home crisis as housing adaptation grants could facilitate people to leave step-down hospitals or hospital beds.

Discussions on how to strengthen economic security and resilience are likely aiming to strengthen the competitiveness of EU industry and to promote a more sustainable, resilient and digitalised economy that creates jobs. With that in mind, I want to raise the issue of the substantial need to find different sources of fossil fuels outside of Russia. The need to reform our EU energy markets has never been clearer given how gas pricing works and the impact that is having on electricity prices all across the EU. This situation is also throwing into stark focus the need for us as a country and as Union to move away from a reliance on petro-states. We need to accelerate the use of renewables, especially solar panels, to diversify our energy sources. Significant progress has been made in phasing out EU dependence on Russian fossil fuels and there is a renewed focus, including through Europe's REPowerEU plan, on investment, innovation, interconnection, efficiency and renewables. The REPowerEU plan highlighted how to fast-forward the transition to renewables, including reducing energy usage, producing clean energy, reducing delays in permit processes for clean energy and diversifying our energy supplies. However, despite the submission of a parliamentary question in March by Deputy Eoin Ó Broin asking the Minister for the Environment, Climate and Communications about the progress made towards the target of reducing demand for fossil gas by 15% as part of the RePowerEU plan and the reason the reduction in demand for fossil gas in the State was the smallest in the EU only reducing demand by 0.3% compared with the EU average of 19%, he is still awaiting a reply. We need answers to these questions in the upcoming meeting with our European counterparts.

The aim is for EU industry to become an accelerator and enabler of change, innovation and growth. Strategic autonomy is about reducing the EU’s dependence on others, for example, for critical materials and technologies, food, infrastructure and security.

In terms of the global food crisis, we know that Russia’s unjustified invasion of Ukraine has aggravated the global food crisis. A major priority for EU countries in addressing growing food insecurity is to provide emergency relief to those most in need worldwide. The people of Europe and, indeed, Ireland are experiencing unprecedented prices at the supermarket and food security will again be key as we work our way through 2023. I hope there can be a more expansive view on the Black Sea grain initiative because at previous European Council meetings, it was a subheading in a larger debate. It needs to have more prominence.

On the home front, the country is very proud of the role it has played in taking in so many Ukrainian refugees. Leaders will receive an update on migration at the upcoming meeting where is it likely to be highlighted that irregular and forced migration continues to pose significant challenges. Recent tragic events in the Mediterranean Sea highlight once again the need to deal with migration in a comprehensive and holistic manner. A total of 78 people died and hundreds more are feared missing in the deadliest refugee shipwreck off Greece. Speculation is rife that as many as 600 people were on board. Ireland is committed to continuing to work with our EU partners to ensure that humanitarian and legal obligations continue to be met. The European Council also called for work to continue on the legislative files in the European Union's proposed pact on asylum and migration. There are more than 2,700 Ukrainian refugees in Louth and Meath since start of the war. They are very welcome.

In a polarised world, with emerging great power rivalries, global hunger and the need for humanity to meet the threat of climate change, the EU has an enormous moral, political and strategic role and responsibility to act as a catalyst for human rights and justice. I look forward to the backbrief from the Taoiseach next week.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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I am glad to be able to speak on this topic. I wonder how the Minister of State faces these pre- and post-European Council meetings. I wonder why he is not embarrassed by the way our citizens are being crucified. Take the issue of energy prices. Prices are 26% higher than in the EU. How can the Minister of State hold his head up and how can Ireland take its rightful place among the nations of the EU and allow this to continue? Other EU countries introduced windfall taxes a year ago, or more than a year ago. Legislation on this was introduced here last night. It might not even be enacted before the summer. Does anyone out there do the roll call and report from each country about how it is looking after its people? I do not know as I have never been there. Do I want to be there? Does anyone ask how we are doing here and why we are not looking after the people?

The EU allowed a decoupling of wind energy and solar energy from fossil fuels but we were kicking and screaming here before we did it and we did it a year and a half after many other European countries. However, the price of oil has not come down so what is going on? The genie is out of the bottle. I am calling out the media here for not exposing this because our citizens are being crucified every which way. We have the most expensive oil and electricity prices in Europe. We have the most expensive prices for everything. We are in this great project - it was a great project but I have serious doubts about it now - but we seem to be lethargic, inept and unable to catch up and do what they are doing over there. Many citizens are forced to take legal cases to Europe because they cannot get justice in the courts here and, in many cases, have got justice there. Here we are again being threatened.

I mentioned this morning that Europe will not provide further funding for TB eradication. We have been trying to eradicate TB for the past 50 or 60 years despite all the money spent on it and the trauma for farmers, their wives, families, neighbours and neighbourhoods but we have not got anywhere near eradicating it. If anything, it has gotten worse and now we are going to have fund the eradication programme ourselves because the European Commission is fed up of supporting us because we are not doing what it says on the tin. We are not even keeping proper records.

Regarding the Tánaiste's language about neutrality over the past year or two years, namely, that it is an outdated position, I remind him and the Minister of State that it has served us well. Consultative forums were held in Cork, Galway and Dublin. He picked the people he wanted to get the answer he wants. Why can he not have a consultative forum on getting energy prices down? Why can he not have a citizens' assembly to get fair play for our farmers? Why can the Government not have anything to help the people? For years, the Government came back here and said this was passed in Europe and it was but now we see it is holding up the EU directive on the flooding of the lands. Thankfully, some people over there are questioning this. We are the good boys who will do everything they want and yet when it comes to standing up for our people, we do not do it.

3 o’clock

We are elected as Teachtaí Dála to serve the public. We are messengers of the people and elected to support our people. When the UN went wild and went on a crazed frenzy purchasing vaccines, mountains of them which it was never going to use, why were we not crying halt? We were not crying halt because we had the then Taoiseach, Deputy Micheál Martin, saying that we must buy more and inject everybody in Ireland four, five or six times, which continues to go on. Now there are mountains of them. There is the waste and the cost, and people cannot get orthodontic treatment, scoliosis treatment, basic home help and things like that. What has the Government done wrong and why is it not serving the people?

The Minister of State is a new Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs. Does he not feel a bit embarrassed going over there where we are laggards in everything? We are fleecing our people and even when Europe takes decisions, we do not enact them. If it takes a decision, however, to put up taxes or to do something punitive, we will have it done at midnight and we will have it transposed into Irish law within a month. We then add more pieces onto it and more hardship for the people.

I noticed the language of the Tánaiste recently, where he said Israelis were "murdered" but Palestinians were "killed". God knows I do not have the best elocution in the world - parliamentary reporters often ring me up to find out what words I am using – but somebody needs to talk to the Tánaiste because that is clearly language that has been written for him by his officials, when he speaks of some people who are ”killed” and other people who are “murdered”.

It is the same with the war in Ukraine. We all blindly support everything that is proposed. We send them helmets and coats and we would send them bullets if we could. Then, we will not restrict the numbers. I want to look after Ukrainian refugees who come here but I want a cap on the numbers. If we want to take 30,000, we must look after them properly and not have them being exploited by big developers who do up big premises and get a fortune from the State. This is far away from the meitheal spirit as it is all about money.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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Tá sé thar a bheith tábhachtach chuile dheis a thapú chun a chur in iúl gur tír neodrach muid agus ár nguthanna a úsáid go glórmhar chun a chur in iúl nach bhfuil muid sásta fáil réidh leis an bpolasaí sin in ainneoin an bhrú dhamanta atá á chur orainne agus ar an Dáil ón Tánaiste, ón Taoiseach, ón Rialtas agus ón bhfóram atá ar siúl faoi láthair.

I welcome the opportunity to use my voice for as long as I am here and for as often as I can to say that we are a neutral country. We are proud of our neutrality. The fact it is being used in a very elastic way by various governments is neither here nor there. I am zoning in on the will of the people and they have made that well known repeatedly in different ways, including in the various pobalbhreitheanna which have taken place.

This pre-Council statements session on the meeting that is going to take place has on its agenda security and defence, migration, and foreign relations, and I would like to zone in on two of those. If we keep using the lens of security and defence and use that to manipulate language and fear, we are heading for a very dangerous world. Our President spoke recently and I do not wish to draw him into the debate at all except to say that I disagree with him on only one item. He used the word “drifting”, but I would use the word “choreographed”. We are being carefully choreographed into, to put it at its mildest, a more militarised Europe.

The figures are completely frightening. The EU is creating an army, although that word is not used, and the member states have committed to growing defence expenditure by €70 billion in 2025. This will bring the annual EU spend on military and weapons technology to €284 billion per year.

The US Secretary of Defence, Lloyd Austin, prior to his holding this position was the director of the arms company Raytheon Technologies Corporation, which has increased the value of its shares throughout the war in Ukraine by 17%. Ireland has credibility as a proud neutral country, wrought out of pain and suffering from our history of being colonised, from a Famine, and from our experience of mass immigration. Our policy has been wrought out of that and we should use that to facilitate, promote and take an active part in dialogue and diplomacy. The attack on neutrality is not accidental and neither is it a once-off. It is part, as I said, of a carefully choreographed direction in which we are being pushed.

If we look at what is happening in respect of the war in Ukraine, which I am on record as repeatedly deploring, the move to militarisation in Europe had gone on well before that. With each new treaty we were given further declarations. For example, with the Nice treaty, we were given the Seville declaration that this treaty would not interfere with our neutrality.

The plan for EU militarism has been under way for a long time. We have the European Defence Agency; Permanent Structured Cooperation, or PESCO; the European funds; the European Peace Facility; the Partnership for Peace; the EU battle groups; the European External Action Service; and the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, or Frontex. It is worth reading all of this because one forgets. It is like a jigsaw because it is being built up bit by bit.

Jean-Claude Juncker described PESCO, which was activated in 2017, as the Sleeping Beauty of the Lisbon treaty because it had not been used since the treaty’s incorporation in 2008. It has since been used and we took part in that following a two-hour debate and vague threats that if we did not sign up, our interest in Europe would be jeopardised. The Taoiseach at the time said that we must participate to deal with the threat then, which was to counter the threat of Trump and Brexit. Today it is the threat posed by the war in Ukraine and the increasing wars, as they see it.

We are constitutionally committed to peace and to friendly co-operation among the nations of the world under generally recognised principles of international law and nowhere do I see that framework. I do not see that we are looking at security and defence through the framework of an overall human rights perspective.

Our hypocrisy is absolutely staggering with regard to Palestine, Fortress Europe and what is happening in the Mediterranean. This year alone, 1,871 people have died or have gone missing in the Mediterranean. That is the Missing Migrant Project. Recently, a boat from Libya carrying hundreds of smuggled migrants sank in front of a Greek coastguard vessel taking 82 lives, with up to 500 still missing. I mention that because Frontex, which is the border entity that has been built up by the EU with 10,000 personnel, had its boats in the vicinity. Frontex saw that boat and from what I can see it did not take any action.

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I thank the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach and the Deputies for their statements. I will focus my remarks on the EU Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, CELAC, Kosovo, Tunisia and Cyprus.

The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, CELAC, is a regional organisation with 33 member states. The EU-CELAC summit is planned for 17 and 18 July and will be the first meeting at leaders level of the EU Spanish presidency. The EU is currently aiming to significantly increase our engagement with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean region. They are like-minded on so many issues and are important trading partners. To this end, the EU introduced Road 2023, which is a plan for delivering a qualitative leap in relations across a range of areas.

Activities under the plan include an intensified roll-out of global gateway initiatives to the region as well as increased political engagement and progress on outstanding trade agreements. The four key themes identified for the summit include: confronting climate change - towards a fair and sustainable transition; fair and inclusive digital transformation; bridging the gap - trade, sustainable development and economic recovery in a post-pandemic period; and citizen security, social justice and fighting transnational organised crime.

Violence and increased tension in northern Kosovo are very worrying. Attacks on KFOR, on the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo, EULEX, patrols and on the press are deplorable. KFOR and EULEX must be allowed to implement their mandates peacefully. As EU Special Representative Lajčák said, the municipal elections in April may have been legal but they were not legitimate. Pristina must facilitate fresh elections immediately as a concrete step to show that Kosovo remains committed in its dialogue with Serbia and to its EU perspective. Belgrade should do more to ensure participation of the Kosovo-Serb communities in fresh elections and to approach the dialogue with Kosovo in good faith. Normalising relations between Serbia and Kosovo is vital as they move towards EU membership and to ensure stability and prosperity across the western Balkans region. The Taoiseach met with the Serbian Prime Minister in April and underlined Ireland's support for a European perspective in the western Balkans.

In addition to the western Balkans, our European neighbourhood also includes important partners in north Africa, such as Tunisia, with which a comprehensive partnership package is proposed. The proposal sets out key pillars, including macro-financial assistance of up to €900 million and an option for the EU to provide a new budget support of up to €150 million. There are plans for increased partnership between the EU and Tunisia in economic development and trade as well as green energy and people-to-people issues, including training support via issuance.

On migration, the draft package offers €105 million. A joint EU-Tunisia statement of 11 June notes that the fight against irregular migration to and from Tunisia and prevention of loss of life at sea are common priorities. I welcome the package but believe we could go further, with a focus on democracy, human rights and the rule of law, which are important in themselves as well as for stability and investment.

Ireland supports the efforts of the European Union to find a comprehensive settlement to the Cyprus problem in accordance with relevant EU resolutions. Following the recent elections in both Cyprus and Türkiye, there is now a window of opportunity to resume negotiations under an EU-led process. I recognise the importance Cyprus attaches to this issue and we were pleased to welcome the president of the Cyprus House of Representatives to Ireland recently. We are strongly supportive and facilitate the resumption of negotiations.

I again thank Members for their participation in the debate. The Taoiseach will report to the House following this week's European Council meeting.