Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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I move:

That Dáil Éireann: notes that:

— more than 150,000 Palestinians have been killed or wounded in Gaza since Israel began its military operation more than 12 months ago;

— among this number are more than 43,000 people who have been confirmed dead, two-thirds of whom are women and children;

— more than 90 per cent of Gaza's population have been displaced, and nearly 70 per cent of its buildings destroyed or damaged;

— Israeli missiles have targeted hospitals, schools, universities, United Nations (UN) facilities, refugee camps, bakeries, bread mills, farms, places of worship, and critical infrastructure like sanitation, water and communication facilities;

— the Israeli blockade means 83 per cent of required food aid is not entering Gaza;

— water production capacity has dropped to just 5 per cent of its usual daily output;

— the entire population in Gaza faces food insecurity, and the numbers experiencing catastrophic hunger are set to imminently double to nearly 400,000 people;

— in October 2024, a UN report found that Israel has perpetrated a concerted policy to destroy Gaza's healthcare system as part of a broader assault on Gaza, committing war crimes and the crimes against humanity of extermination; and

— on 28th October, 2024, the Israeli parliament voted to ban the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the largest provider of humanitarian aid in Gaza and the Occupied Territories, from the country within 90 days;

agrees that:

— Ireland ratified the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, known as the Genocide Convention, in 1976;

— under the Convention, genocide is defined as a crime committed with the intent to destroy a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, in whole or in part;

— under Article 1 of the Convention, State parties to the Genocide Convention have an obligation to take measures to prevent genocide; and

— no armed attack on a state's territory, even a heinous attack involving an atrocity crime like the attack by Hamas on Israel, and the taking of hostages on 7th October, 2023, can ever justify, or provide a defence to, breaches of the Genocide Convention;

further agrees that a genocide is being perpetrated before our eyes by Israel in Gaza, and Ireland has a legal and moral duty to do whatever we can to prevent it; and

calls on the Government to:

— immediately suspend all military trade with Israel;

— immediately suspend dual-use licences to Israel;

— immediately suspend the use of Irish airspace and airports for weapons transfers to Israel; and

— immediately impose trade, travel and diplomatic sanctions on Israel.

We bring forward this motion with no joy or satisfaction. It is with a heavy heart and an unshakeable sense of duty that we confront what is unfolding before us and what we see very clearly in Gaza, namely, a genocide that is happening in real time. Recognising genocide in this House is a grave responsibility, but it is also a necessity. Such recognition removes from any grounds on which future generations might look back and say they did not know. We cannot allow history to ask why we were content with being the very least bad when it came to action to prevent genocide and call it out. We must speak with clarity and conscience, standing firm in our commitments to condemn this atrocity, but also do all within our power to stop it.

As we consider this motion, I acknowledge with respect and sorrow the historical suffering of the Jewish people, victims of humanity's crime, genocide. So too do I acknowledge those victims of the Armenian genocide, the Rwandan genocide, the Srebrenica genocide and all the atrocities of the 20th and 21st centuries on which all of us looked back and said "never again". They endured horrors no human should ever face and systematic attempts to annihilate them that led the world to establish international institutions aimed at ensuring that such war crimes could never happen again. Those institutions are crumbling at the moment because of the indifference. When we were taught "never again", we committed that those words would hold true for all of humanity, no matter the oppressor, no matter the victim.

Today, it is precisely that commitment that compels us to act. What we are witnessing in Gaza is the systematic destruction of a people. Since Israel began its invasion more than 12 months ago, in excess of 150,000 Palestinians have been either killed or wounded. Among them, over 43,000 have been confirmed dead, two thirds of whom are women or children. Israeli missiles have levelled hospitals, schools, universities, UN facilities, refugee camps, bakeries, bread mills, farms and places of worship. Critical infrastructure for sanitation, water and communication lies in ruins. As we speak, 90% of Gaza's population has been displaced and 70% of its buildings have been destroyed or damaged by Israeli bombs. An Israeli blockade has restricted Gaza's food supply so severely that 83% of the required food aid is blocked from entering, while water production capacity has dropped to just 5% of what is needed. The entire population of Gaza faces food insecurity and the numbers enduring catastrophic hunger are to double imminently to nearly 400,000 people. Just last month, the United Nations released a report documenting Israel's deliberate policy to dismantle Gaza's healthcare system as part of a broader campaign of destruction, identifying these actions as war crimes and crimes against humanity, including extermination. Days later, on 28 October, the Israeli Parliament voted to expel the UN Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA, the main provider of humanitarian aid in Gaza and the occupied territories, from the country within 90 days. These are not isolated actions. They are hallmarks of genocide.

The Tánaiste, Deputy Micheál Martin, has previously condemned, and used the word "genocide" to describe, Russia's actions in Ukraine. If he can identify and condemn genocide when it occurs elsewhere, surely he must do so with the same honesty and resolve when it unfolds before our eyes in Gaza. This is not about political alignment or diplomatic posturing. It is about moral integrity and our fundamental human obligations. Ireland ratified the genocide convention in 1976. It sets out clear obligations for states to follow when there is evidence of genocide. Under Article 1, all state parties have an obligation not only to punish but to prevent genocide. This is not a passive responsibility. It requires us to actively take measures to halt actions that might contribute to the destruction of a people. Preventing genocide means that when we see evidence of such crimes unfolding, we cannot stand idly by. We must intervene, be that diplomatically or economically and through every legal means available to us.

Over the past year, we in the Social Democrats and others across the Chamber have brought forward a number of parliamentary motions asking for actions. Each time, they have been voted down or have been passed without any commitment to act. This obligation compels us to suspend any military trade that could support the perpetrators, to revoke dual licences for goods that could have military applications, to restrict the use of Irish airspace and airports for any weapons transfers, and to impose comprehensive trade, travel and diplomatic sanctions. When we signed that convention to prevent genocide, did we really believe that after a year of watching the annihilation of a people, we could point to the fact that while Ireland's voice has been undoubtedly stronger than most, the outcome remains the same? We are not meeting our obligations to prevent genocide, be that through indifference or not knowing. Neither is justifiable.

These actions are not only possible under the genocide convention; they are mandated when evidence of genocide is present. To fail in those obligations is very much to risk being complicit. We can be complicit in many ways, whether through indifference or whereby, when we are told certain actions that are happening in the Irish State are adding to Israel's capacity to annihilate the people of Gaza, we step back, question and equivocate to say that maybe we will act at some point in the future. We say that maybe we cannot act alone and that we have to bring our European partners with us, but at a certain point we have to stand up and do something.

Almost ten months ago, we brought forward a motion setting out actions that included expelling the Israeli ambassador, because we did not believe at that time that we could have normal diplomatic relations with a country so hellbent on annihilating the population of Gaza. We were shot down and told we were naive and did not understand the nuances of diplomacy. Ten months later, Gaza lies in ruins, with children under rubble. I recall a time in this Chamber when we debated whether Israel would actually bomb a hospital. It has now bombed every hospital. There was a time when we talked about whether we should use words such as "invasion" or even go further. At this point, not only have 90% of the population of Gaza been displaced; they have been consistently displaced. They have been told to move from northern Gaza to the south and been bombed when they got there. Nothing we have seen over the past year has suggested in any way that this will stop.

Only yesterday, I watched the Tánaiste question the motivations of people who sought to even highlight our difference. I will address some of those disparaging remarks he made about the online publication The Ditch, which has reported on the use of Irish airspace for munitions transfers bound for conflict zones and shared crucial information about US pressure over the occupied territories Bill passing. In a democracy, we cannot ignore or diminish voices that bring difficult truths to light, nor should we attempt to discredit the sources of uncomfortable information based on a perceived political bias. Questioning the political motivations of truth-tellers is a heinous practice. If applied to other media organisations that hold us to account, we would be rightly called out for it. A free press should be inclusive of all voices, especially those who dare to challenge powerful interests and bring uncomfortable facts to the public's attention. The uncomfortable fact in this instance is that through indifference, sovereign Irish airspace is being used to transfer munitions, and that fact only came to light because of the good work of the reporters.

The Irish people, as we know, understand suffering deeply. We remember our history of enforced famine, displacement, oppression and loss. It is our own history of starvation and enforced population decline that gives us a unique moral duty to speak up when we witness such suffering elsewhere. Irish people know the pain, and because of this we are called on to stand with those enduring it now. By not opposing this motion, the Government implicitly recognises the scale and nature of what is happening in Gaza. If the Government will not oppose it, it must accept that genocide is happening and that we have a duty to do all we can to stop it. This moment calls on us to fulfil our commitment to humanity. We must be able to look back with an assurance we did everything within our power to recognise, prevent and condemn the genocide and to seek action we believe can enforce consequences on the State of Israel to stop its barbarity in Gaza and the Palestinian lands.

By affirming this motion, we declare that we will not be silent and, beyond that, that we will act, because we have obligations to prevent genocide. Our voice has been strong and we have stood in a world that has increasingly looked away from the suffering, but we can go further. Israel needs to feel consequences now. Ours is a small nation but a proud one, and when we take a stand, others follow. Even this parliamentary recognition of genocide today is not going to do much to stop the suffering that people are experiencing in Gaza, but it can allow us to go further and take a stand to say we did everything we could and were not complicit.

Holly Cairns (Cork South West, Social Democrats)
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A year into this slaughter, what has changed in the Irish position? After nearly 44,000 dead, including nearly 17,000 children, after more than 100,000 people injured, after 10,000 people missing, buried in the wreckage and the rubble, after an expansion of the conflict to Lebanon, nothing has changed. We still maintain normal diplomatic relations with Israel. We still maintain normal travel relations with Israel. We have actually increased our trade in dual-use technology with Israel. We continue to allow military aircraft carrying bombs and munitions to travel through our airports and airspace, and this Government still will not call Israel’s actions what they are.

This is a genocide. There is no doubt. There is no alternative motivation or terminology for Israel’s actions. The Israeli State is doing everything within its power to wipe the Palestinian people and the Palestinian State off the map. It has not made any attempt to hide this. Israel has been relentlessly starving, bombing and maiming the captive civilian population in Gaza and the West Bank, doing everything it possibly can to increase the already astronomical loss of life, doing everything it can to ensure that Palestine becomes entirely uninhabitable for the millions of Palestinians who live there. Hospitals are bombed and sieged, schools and universities reduced to rubble, refugee camps bombed and set alight. Heritage sites and cultural institutions across Gaza have been purposefully and cynically destroyed. An ancient harbour from 800 BC, a mosque that was home to rare manuscripts and one of the world’s oldest Christian monasteries are just a few of the hundreds of cultural sites that Israel has targeted over the last year.

These actions are an attempt not just to wipe out a people but all memory of a people, all evidence of one of the oldest living cultures in human history. These actions constitute genocide, so why will this Government not say as much? Why is it continuing to hide behind the excuse of waiting for an international process to be concluded? Why did it not have any hesitation in using the word “genocide” in relation to Russia’s targeting of civilian infrastructure in Ukraine? What was the difference there? I would have to guess it is the position of America and key European allies. It was easy to call Russia’s actions what they were when our western allies were standing beside us and when everyone was working together to implement an EU sanctions regime. This is different. The European response to the genocide in Palestine has been appalling in its moral hypocrisy. There have been no EU sanctions applied to Israel. Billions in EU trade continues to flow into the Israeli economy, directly funding an apartheid regime, directly funding a genocide. Some countries in the EU take it further, with Germany supplying 30% of Israel’s arms. We need to continue to work on an EU level to suspend EU trade, and I appreciate the Taoiseach’s efforts to progress this. However, how can we be taken seriously in demanding that the EU do everything within its power to take action when we are not willing to do the same?

The occupied territories Bill was first introduced to the Dáil in 2019 by a Fianna Fáil TD but as soon as Fianna Fáil entered government, it disavowed the Bill and said it was unconstitutional. Fine Gael, on the other hand, has always been opposed to the Bill. With just days left in office, the Government admitted the Bill can be enacted but it claims it has run out of time. It is a cynical and transparent excuse. If the Government wanted to pass the occupied territories Bill, it would have. If it was genuine about needing extra time to pass it, it would have accepted our offer to use this time slot, and Sinn Féin’s yesterday, to pass it. Alternatively, it could have kept the Dáil in session until it passed it, as it did for many other pieces of legislation it deemed a priority. It seems the occupied territories Bill is not a priority for this Government, and if it is not a priority in the face of genocide, it never will be.

On Tuesday, The Ditch published some very concerning information. The US ambassador to Ireland contacted the Government last month to warn about “consequences” if the occupied territories Bill were enacted. Apparently, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste’s office were warned about the “economic uncertainty” it would cause for some 1,000 US businesses based here. This stems from a US law that prohibits companies from complying with unsanctioned foreign boycotts. The ambassador then offered to connect the Attorney General and Government enterprise teams with “relevant offices in Washington” for “discussions to ensure the best outcome” for the legislation. The Government has still not clarified whether the Attorney General, or any other Government official or Minister, contacted counterparts in the United States to get advice on this. It has still not answered the crucial question: is this the real reason it is refusing to enact this legislation? Is the Government refusing to implement domestic legislation because it is more concerned about a backlash from the United States - Israel’s largest arms dealer - than the genocide unfolding before our eyes? If this is the cowardice shown by Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party when faced with resistance from the Biden Administration, why would we have any faith they will take a stronger stance against a more hostile and vindictive administration under Donald Trump?

This is legislation the public are demanding in their thousands every week on the streets. They want to see the occupied territories Bill enacted now. We cannot wait until all our allies are lined up beside us before we act because the Palestinian people do not have the luxury of time. We have a legal responsibility under the Genocide Convention to do everything in our power to stop genocide. Instead, we are nearly facilitating it. We know Shannon Airport and Irish airspace are being used to transport bombs and weapons to Israel. We know this not from the Minister for Transport, not as the result of any inspections of military planes in Shannon, but from investigative work by The Ditch. Since these issues have been made public, the Government does not seem to have taken any action at all to prevent further flights. Countries and airlines are trampling over our neutrality and sovereignty because it is convenient for them, because cutting through our airspace means a smaller fuel bill and, crucially, because they know there will be no consequences. They know this Government will look the other way because it always has.

This position is not credible and it never has been. We cannot, as a state, claim to be militarily neutral when we are facilitating the passage of weapons through Ireland. By failing to act to prevent this, the Government is ensuring that Ireland is complicit in the slaughter of the Palestinian people, complicit in a genocide this Government refuses to name. Enough is enough. For 75 years, there has been no accountability for the crimes committed by Israel against the Palestinian people, for the denial of their basic rights, the seizure of land and all of the brutal injustices of an apartheid government. We must take every action we can as a state to ensure that Israel is held accountable. Symbolic gestures are valuable and have meaning, but we can do more than that. Ireland can suspend trade, travel and diplomatic relations. Ireland can end the use of Shannon Airport by the US military. Ireland can stop the export of dual-use goods to Israel. We can call this horror out for what it is: a genocide of the Palestinian people. However, at every opportunity, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have failed to take action. If they have not acted to date, why on earth would anyone believe they will do it in the future?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I welcome the opportunity to address the situation in Gaza, which remains an issue of profound concern and horror for the Government, this House and the people of Ireland. It is now over 12 months since this House adopted a motion in the aftermath of the attacks perpetrated by Hamas and other terrorist groups against Israel on 7 October 2023. At that time, we unreservedly condemned these brutal attacks, which indiscriminately and systematically targeted civilians, resulting in over 1,200 deaths. We called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. The Dáil called for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire and for immediate and unimpeded humanitarian access to meet the urgent needs of all civilians in Gaza. We underlined that Israel must act within international law, stressing the universal applicability of international law, including international humanitarian law. These priorities have been, and remain, central to the Government’s approach. Our leadership and work with like-minded partners placed these issues at the centre of the EU and UN agenda.

In the 12 months since, the horror and despair have deepened. An agreement on a ceasefire and hostage release deal has not been achieved. There have been over 43,000 more deaths in Gaza alone, where the level of destruction and human suffering is truly horrific and completely unacceptable. Israel’s war on Gaza is beyond any moral compass. We are witnessing the collective punishment of an entire population and the destruction of the entirety of Gaza. In northern Gaza, terrible atrocities are being committed, with the forced removal of the population from that part of Gaza.

I repeat, an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages and a surge of humanitarian assistance into Gaza must remain the urgent focus of the international community. While our discussions today are focused on Gaza, we continue to face the risk of even wider regional escalation, which would have devastating consequences for the innocent people of the region as a whole. This is a trajectory that is deeply troubling and must be reversed. Given the gravity of the issue under discussion today, I want to be clear that the Government will continue to pursue policies and initiatives that have a real and meaningful impact on the realities faced by the Palestinian people and take full account of the overall political and legal landscape. Effective leadership on foreign policy issues means bringing others with us and ensuring that our actions have a relevance beyond the domestic sphere. I stand over the Government record in this regard. Our principled position of tireless advocacy and considered actions are appreciated by Palestine and our like-minded partners in Europe and the region. I suggest the Deputy ask Palestinians or the Palestinian Authority their perception of Ireland's stance or even ask the Arab world more generally about the Irish Government's stance. It is a very unequivocal, positive one and they wish that others would do more.

Holly Cairns (Cork South West, Social Democrats)
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That is a very low bar.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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The clear message from my extensive engagement with international partners, who have expressly welcomed the approach of the Government, is that we sustain it. These efforts are continuing as we speak.

As this House is aware, steps are being taken by the Israeli Parliament against UNRWA. These could bring about the collapse of the entire humanitarian response in Gaza, which rests on UNRWA’s infrastructure. The Government is working within the EU, as well as with a core group of like-minded states at the United Nations, to explore all possible political and legal avenues to protect the role played by UNRWA. This is consistent with the Government’s steadfast support for UNRWA in the face of continuing and systematic attacks from the Israeli Government. This political support was further underscored by the immediate provision of an additional €20 million of support for UNRWA earlier this year, announced in the presence of Commissioner General Lazzarini during his visit to Dublin in February. This leadership at a critical juncture had a material impact on the approach of other donors, including the European Union. That is real action which had real impact and changed the direction of travel in Europe towards UNRWA. There is no question about that and Ireland led on it. It was very impactful for the people of Palestine and that has to be acknowledged.

Ireland's recognition of the State of Palestine was a deeply significant moment in our bilateral relations with Palestine and a clear signal to the rest of the world of Ireland’s solidarity at a time of immense despair for the Palestinian people. I already set out the Government’s approach in detail to this House in May. What I wish to underline at this point is that the timing and context of this decision were carefully calibrated with other partners to build momentum behind the Arab peace plan and implementation of the two-state solution. This momentum has continued in recent months, including through the launch of the global alliance for implementation of the two-state solution during UN high-level week last September. This will include several follow-up meetings at senior official level, the first of which took place last week. I stress that our decision to recognise the State of Palestine was a national prerogative, fulfilling a commitment in the programme for Government. However, the Government’s decision was taken to ensure a strategic approach and a meaningful impact on the international landscape.

There has been a renewed focus on the occupied territories Bill over recent weeks and I welcomed the opportunity to brief the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs on the Government’s approach on Tuesday. As I have stated, the advisory opinion delivered by the International Court of Justice, ICJ, has changed the legal context for the Bill. The Deputy ignored this in her contribution. What has not changed is the EU’s exclusive competence in the field of trade for all its member states, including Ireland. It is against this background that the Taoiseach asked the Attorney General to provide updated advice in relation to this Bill. In light of the new context provided by the advisory opinion, the Government has decided to progress the Bill and to prepare amendments. As I set out to the committee on Tuesday, the amendments required are not merely technical in nature. The Government’s analysis is that substantive amendment will be required to most, if not all, of the Bill’s provisions to try to bring it into line with EU law and our Constitution, while prohibiting imports from the occupied territories. This has been acknowledged by the sponsors of the Bill.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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No, it was not. I was there.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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It is not that it is so-called "unconstitutional"; it is unconstitutional. No one is arguing with that and those measures have to be amended.

I emphasise in particular that the ICJ advisory opinion did not somehow drop from the sky. Again, some in the Opposition have ignored this. The Government strongly supported the request by the General Assembly for this advisory opinion in December 2022. The Government contributed actively to the proceedings through its written submission in July 2023 and the oral submission made by the Attorney General to the court in February of this year. Ireland’s core objective in making submissions in this case was to encourage the court to clarify the rights of the Palestinian people in international law and the opinion of the court largely confirmed the Government’s own legal analysis. Far from using the issue as a domestic political football, the changed legal context that has given rise to further consideration of the occupied territories Bill has emerged from a process supported and shaped by the contributions of this Government.

As I have made clear on this issue repeatedly, the Government intends to file a declaration of intervention in the case initiated by South Africa against Israel under the Genocide Convention at the ICJ. The House will recall that it has always been the Government’s intention to file this declaration after South Africa has filed its memorial in the case. We understand that South Africa filed its memorial last week. Israel has until 28 July 2025 to file its counter-memorial. As the Government has made clear on previous occasions, the purpose of interventions by a state in cases such as these is to argue for its interpretation of the convention in question.

The Government’s decision to intervene in the South African case was based on detailed and rigorous legal analysis. We are serious about this legally and we have done it properly. I remember all the noise a year ago and being told that we were not doing this and not doing that. Everything I said back then when this issue was raised in the House has proven to be true.

Ireland is a strong supporter of the work of the court and is deeply committed to international law and accountability. We are also committed to supporting and promoting a strict interpretation of the Genocide Convention to ensure the highest level of protection possible for civilians caught up in situations of armed conflict, and to apply the highest standards of conduct on those engaged in conflict. At my direction, work is progressing on the preparation of Ireland’s declaration of intervention, with the intention that it will be filed before the end of this year. In formulating this declaration, Ireland will set out a robust basis for its intervention before the court. It will then be a matter for the court to rule on its admissibility. We want to test the Genocide Convention and broaden its interpretation to encompass what is happening in Gaza. That has been a very considered approach by the legal team in my Department.

Subject to the court’s ruling, Ireland will then make substantive submissions to the court on the proper interpretation of the Genocide Convention. This is precisely the same approach followed in our intervention in the case of Ukraine v. Russia. In that instance, provisional measures were ordered by the court in March 2022. Ukraine filed its memorial in July 2022. Ireland made its declaration of intervention in September 2022. In both cases, Ireland has made timely Interventions consistent with the ICJ’s rules. We have done so in a considered manner, having regard to the gravity of the facts at issue in each case and a detailed assessment of the applicable legal standards. This is not only to ensure the success of our arguments, but also to maintain Ireland’s well-earned reputation as a serious and respected voice in support of the international legal order.

The Government has been extremely concerned at the conduct of both parties to this conflict and has consistently stressed that both must respect international law, including international humanitarian law. Israel and Hamas must be held accountable for violations of international humanitarian law. All parties to armed conflict — states and non-states alike — have obligations under international law. Any actions contrary to these obligations are unacceptable and must be held to account.

There are a number of issues in the motion regarding dual-use licences. Ireland regulates the export of dual-use items fully in line with our international obligations, including the EU's dual-use regulation and the EU’s common position. We have set out the clear policies and procedures that pertain to overflights of sovereign airspace. There are procedures and a legal framework in place. We do not facilitate anything as has been suggested.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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The Government is indifferent to facilitation.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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On the question of sanctions, we participate in European sanctions and sanctions adopted by the United Nations Security Council or the European Union. We have been very active on the sanctions front, in particular, against the violent Israeli settlers this year. The EU has adopted sanctions and we continue to press for that also.

Across society, Ireland is broadly supportive. Language used here that the Government is somehow complicit in genocide is reprehensible. I regret that was said by Deputy Cairns.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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And by me as well.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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It is almost trying to exploit the crisis-----

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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That is disgraceful.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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-----to try to have a political go at Government.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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We are signatories to a convention on the prevention of genocide.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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That is wrong.

Pauline Tully (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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Can we move on to Deputy Cian O'Callaghan?

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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That is what we signed, a prevention of genocide-----

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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What we are trying to do in the court is important here-----

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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The Tánaiste is the only one politicising things.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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-----because if we can succeed-----

Pauline Tully (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I am sorry, Tánaiste, your time is up. I call the next speaker, please.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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If we can succeed legally in getting the court to broaden how it interprets the Genocide Convention-----

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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What will be left of Gaza when the Government does that?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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-----around the denial of humanitarian access into Gaza, it will be a very effective day's work by Ireland.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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What will be left?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I am willing, with our legal team, to share with the Deputy-----

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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The Tánaiste tells me all the time he wants to share; we never hear-----

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I want to build consensus here and a proper approach to this issue.

Cian O'Callaghan (Dublin Bay North, Social Democrats)
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People are being obliterated in Gaza as we speak. The Tánaiste has every excuse for inaction. He says he is deeply committed to international law and accountability, but where are the sanctions against Israel that we desperately need now? Why is Irish airspace being used now to facilitate weapons being transported to Israel to kill children? It is fine to say there are policies and regulation in place on dual-use technology but the facts are that dual-use technology from Ireland, made in Ireland and designed in Ireland is being used in munitions and weapons that are killing children, men and women in Gaza. That is what is happening now and it has been happening for the last 12 months.

As the Tánaiste says we will be doing this and doing that, the slaughter continues. We are asking for the Government to act now. The impact is the slaughter of children in Gaza - children who are being killed every day and should have their lives ahead of them with hopes and dreams for the future - children blown to pieces by weapons that have passed through Irish airspace, brutal carpet bombing of residential areas with weapons that have passed through Irish airspace, media workers killed by weapons that passed through Irish airspace, healthcare workers killed and humanitarian relief workers killed. An estimated 10,000 Palestinians are under rubble whose bodies have not even made the official count of the dead in Gaza. Every day in Gaza children are seeing their parents murdered in front of their eyes.

This is genocide, with bakeries destroyed, heritage and cultural spaces destroyed, hospitals destroyed, schools destroyed, universities destroyed, mosques and places of worship destroyed, museums destroyed, public buildings destroyed, housing destroyed, infrastructure destroyed and refugee camps destroyed. An entire way of life is being destroyed and some of that is with weapons that have passed through our airspace.

Genocide is taking place in an attempt to eradicate the Palestinian people and there is complicity from Ireland. The Government has not stopped the use of Irish airspace for the transport of weapons. We have not inspected a single plane. Indeed, the Government denied that our Irish airspace was being used until work done by The Ditch showed that was the case. That is complicity in the slaughter and genocide. The dual-use technology, made and designed in Ireland and exported to Israel and used in weapons that slaughter people, is complicity in the slaughter and complicity in the genocide. Ireland has failed to take any economic actions against Israel despite the continuing slaughter of men, women and children. That failure by the Government to act is complicity in the slaughter and complicity in the genocide.

There has been support from the Government to pass the occupied territories Bill. Even though we offered time this week and Sinn Féin offered time, that is not happening. That failure to act is further complicity. The illegal settlements Bill has not been progressed and has been blocked by this Government; that is a failure to act. When we see children in Gaza being orphaned and screaming for the parents they have lost, parents who may have been killed with munitions that went through our airspace, that is complicity in the genocide.

There is overwhelming support from the Irish people for the people of Palestine, the people of Gaza. There is no question of that. The Government has been outspoken when it comes to the rule of law internationally and domestically. However, while the Government has been vocal on this blatant disregard of international law, there has been a complete lack of the sanctions that are absolutely needed on this. Even though the Tánaiste says that it will and should happen at European level, 12 months into this there is no sign of sanctions coming from a European level. Genocide is taking place, as this motion recognises and I welcome that the Government is not opposing it. Where are the sanctions that are needed now? We need the Government to act on this.

Catherine Murphy (Kildare North, Social Democrats)
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As this will be my last time to speak in the Dáil, I take the opportunity to thank the people of Kildare North who have afforded me the privilege to represent them over many years. I also thank my supporters and particularly those who have worked with me, my parliamentary assistant, Aaron McAllorum, and my constituency manager, Fionnuala Killeen. I thank the staff of the Houses for their courtesy and assistance over the years.

Such is the magnitude of what is occurring in Palestine and Gaza that we have chosen to use our Private Members' time to debate the genocide happening in Gaza. There need to be consequences for what is occurring, which cannot be described as a country defending itself. Hospitals, schools, people's homes, universities and places of worship are being reduced to rubble. Gaza is being described as a graveyard for children with thousands slaughtered. Those who have survived are being denied the basics for life. This will be made worse, if that is possible, by making UNRWA illegal.

Genocide is described as an international crime that involves the intentional destruction of a national, ethnic, racial or religious group. The term was established after the Holocaust and was defined in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Israel is being supplied with weapons of war primarily by the US but also by some EU member states. By doing so, they are complicit in the genocide. How can we be told that the use of a 500 lb bomb is precise and targeted? How is it that we are watching in real time citizens being used as target practice? What is occurring is an attempt to wipe out the population of Gaza and occupy those lands. Men, women and children - whole families - are being wiped out. Ethnic cleansing of Gaza is the official policy now. No Palestinian will be allowed to live in northern Gaza and it is just moving further and further.

The Geneva Conventions were adopted just four years after the end of the Second World War. The fourth of the conventions relates to the protection of civilians in occupied territories such as Gaza and the West Bank. There are very well-defined protocols in addition to the convention, such as Article 48 which states the following basic rule:

In order to ensure respect for and protection of the civilian population and civilian objects, the Parties to the conflict shall at all times distinguish between ... civilian objects and military objectives and accordingly shall direct their operations only against military objectives.

To avoid any doubt, Article 50.2 states "The civilian population comprises all persons who are civilians". How can tiny babies, toddlers and small children be seen as legitimate military targets? That is what we are seeing with the slaughter of thousands of children. I have no doubt but that everyone in this House is horrified by what is occurring. It is essential that we all call it what it is. It fits the classic definition of a genocide. If we accept that, we must accept that we need to take all possible actions.

The Tánaiste referred to the International Court of Justice and Israel having until mid-2025 to appeal. What will be left of Gaza then? How many more people will be killed in that time? The people there are asking where is the world and where is the action. We are not seeing the sanctions that are needed or any stopping of the supply of weapons in this scenario from countries that we regard as friendly to us. We need to be the voice because the people in Gaza feel they do not have a voice. We must ensure that this slaughter stops.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I commend the Social Democrats on using the last Private Members' business of this Dáil term to introduce yet another motion on the rights of the Palestinian people and the requirement on Ireland to show international leadership in responding to what has been an ongoing, systematic and decades-long flagrant violation of international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.

The Tánaiste and other Government representatives always take great pains to outline the appreciation that is expressed to them by representatives of the Palestinian people. That speaks more to the silence and complicity of much of the rest of the western world than it gives a reason for us to clap ourselves on the back. Ireland has done more than many other states. Those other states should be absolutely ashamed of themselves.

Let us consider precisely what Ireland has done. We have called for a ceasefire. In other words, we called on Hamas and Israel to stop slaughtering innocent people. Ireland has called on Israel to stop the indiscriminate bombardment of civilian areas. That should not be a big deal. Ireland formally recognised the State of Palestine. Ten years after this House called for such a move, that should not be such a big deal. In fact, all it does is recognise international law and binding international agreements.

It is apparently a big deal that Ireland did not threaten to cut off funds to UNRWA. That is basic compassion and common sense. The suggestion is that in some way, that should allow us to be absolved from taking the steps that are required, namely, measures that will bring an end to the slaughter. What will bring an end to the slaughter is the same thing that brings an end to apartheid and repressive and oppressive regimes anywhere else in the world, that is, international pressure. It was international pressure that brought an end to the apartheid regime in South Africa and ensured that the peace process in Ireland took hold and has largely kept hold. It will only be through international pressure that Israel will finally be brought to the point whereby it ends the apartheid, occupation, annexation and ongoing destruction of the Palestinian people.

What should sanction look like? What we would all like to see is an internationally agreed set of sanctions imposed upon the Israeli regime. That is what should happen. In the absence of that, we would like to see an EU-wide set of sanctions imposed upon the Israeli regime. For reasons that are incomprehensible to anybody with an ounce of humanity, neither of those things have happened.

What can a state like Ireland do? We should do whatever is within our gift. What is within our gift? The occupied territories Bill was passed by this House in 2019 but it has been frustrated every step of the way. At least at one stage Fine Gael was upfront in its opposition to the Bill. In fact, it was so upfront that it quickly managed to get Fianna Fáil and the Green Party to remove it as a manifesto pledge and ensure that it did not form part of the programme for Government. When public pressure came to bear, it then came up with EU law as a rationale. That was not an issue when Fianna Fáil first moved the Bill in this House. Latterly, constitutional issues have been raised. The Bill should have been passed this week. It is scandalous that it was not.

There is no constitutional or EU-based rationale not to enact Sinn Féin's Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill, which would simply prevent the ongoing expenditure of Irish taxpayers' money on companies that profit from Israeli settlements. We should end the export of all products and services with military applications to Israel - full stop. We should not allow companies based in Ireland to export any dual-use item that could have a military use by the Israel Defense Forces. It is simple. We should end the illegal arms trafficking through sovereign Irish airspace and hold the companies that are accountable criminally responsible. They are things that could and should have been done by the parties in government but they failed to do any of them. What that says to me is that neither Fianna Fáil nor Fine Gael can be trusted to do the right thing.

Rose Conway-Walsh (Mayo, Sinn Fein)
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I too wish Deputy Catherine Murphy well. She has spoken truth to power so many times. That has been really important. She has made a significant difference in all of her contributions, even before I came into this Dáil. I wish her very well and thank her for her work.

I thank the Social Democrats for bringing the motion forward this morning. I cannot believe that we are here at the end of this Dáil term. I have watched the progress of the occupied territories Bill since I was in the Seanad when it came to the table. It is disgraceful that it was okay for Fianna Fáil to support it that time, yet when it was in a position to be able to implement it, the party failed to do so and completely ignored it. I have seen doublespeak from the Government in all of that time on what is happening in Palestine, which is slaughter and genocide. The question that arises for me is what more is it going to take, and what exactly will be the tipping point for this to be prioritised. We again facilitated the provision of time to pass the Bill this week. There are many things broken in this country that need to be fixed, but there is nothing more important than the genocide - of men, women, children and babies, including unborn babies - that we are watching every day of the week in the State of Palestine, which is being allowed to continue.

We cannot say we did not know. In many wars in the past, people found out about them afterwards. We did not know at the time about many atrocious things that happened in this country. In that way, we got off the hook, but we cannot get off the hook in this regard. There are very specific things that need to be done. The occupied territories Bill must be implemented. I do not trust the Government to do it in the next term. When I look at the Government's record, it does not speak to me that it will happen. There is no urgency in that regard. Let us at least be honest about this.

The Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill was introduced by Deputy Brady of Sinn Féin. We have tried to get it through the finance committee for the past nine months.

There has been block after block on it and excuse after excuse as to why it cannot be done. The fact is that we are funding illegal activities. We are bankrolling the creation of homes in occupied territories. We are allowing it to happen and we are facilitating it to happen. It is so wrong on so many levels. At least be honest and come out and say we are doing nothing about this and will not do anything about it, without the excuses of money messages and one excuse after the other. In the finance committee, even to get an answer, we had to say that we were not going to pass any more legislation on it. There is so much disingenuous behaviour around this. It is absolutely disgusting.

We also have to stop the facilitation of the sale of Israeli bonds by the Central Bank. Again it is like, will have a look at this, we will have a look at it. Jesus. When are we going to stop looking at this and when are we going to start doing what is needed. Irish taxpayers' hard-earned money is contributing to an EU fund and the EU budget that is heavily subsidising arms manufacturers in the EU to create the munitions to go out and slaughter the Palestinians. This is what we are doing. Senator Alice Mary Higgins, myself and others have questioned this time and again and there are no answers. We are told that this cannot be done or this amendment has to be done. We have tens of thousands of very able civil servants. If the Government will was there to do these things then it would be happening. This is even before we look at the way Shannon Airport is used to support genocide. Ireland is doing all of these things while at the same time the Government is clapping itself on the back and saying we have done this and we have done that. I know what it is: they are afraid. They are afraid to do it. I say stand up and have courage and do the right thing here.

Mairead Farrell (Galway West, Sinn Fein)
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We need to pass the occupied territories Bill. This Government has had more than enough time to iron out any issues and any concerns they had. They could have done it but they did not do it, on purpose. I agree it is important that we stand up and use our voice for words of condemnation. When a genocide is happening, however, words of condemnation are simply just not enough. It seems there has been a focus here on optics rather than action and on soundbites rather than substance. When we see the televised genocide going on in Gaza it is just simply not good enough. Headlines are not good enough. We need to have action. We know that Israel will not stop until the international community makes it stop: not tells them but makes them stop. We here in this Chamber and in Ireland have a central role in that but we are not doing it.

I do not think anyone can understand how sanctions could be imposed so quickly on Russia and then not on Israel. Despite everything that Israel has done we have not seen action. This is a state that has killed more UN officials than any other. This is a state that regularly uses white phosphorus. This is state that is in repeated violations of international law and human rights law. This is a state that has killed around 186,000 people. It has been bombing civilians in Lebanon. It will not stop unless we as an international community force it to.

I put it to the Minister of State, Deputy Thomas Byrne, that while we cannot control what everybody else is doing and that there are serious issues on an international basis as to what is happening and the support that has been given to Israel, we can only do what we can do here. It is good that Ireland has been very much to the forefront in speaking out against the actions of Israel and in condemning them, but we have not done what we could do, which are the things that are within our control, number one of which is the occupied territories Bill. The Minister of State's own party agreed with it before they were in government and now they cannot seem to put it into action. What we need in this Chamber is to all grow a bit of a spine to stop what is going on with the munitions flights going through our airspace even as the people in this State are completely on the side of the people of Gaza and even as we are constantly telling Israel to stop. Yet, we then find out - not from the Minister or from the Government - from The Ditch that munitions are being flown over and through our airspace. Not only that, we then find out that The Ditch warned the Government in advance at least four times that this was going to happen on four separate occasions and the Government did nothing about it. When I say that we need to grow a spine my God it is this Government that needs to grow a spine. It is really outrageous. It goes against the complete will of the Irish people, it goes against what is morally right and it goes against what is legally right. It is absolutely shocking.

Perhaps the Minister of State might address my question in his closing remarks on whether Ireland is meeting its obligations under the genocide convention when we knowingly have munitions flying across our airspace. I look forward to hearing his response on that. We must ask ourselves what it is we are doing to stop this genocide and what role we have as a State in allowing this to continue. This may be the last day of this Dáil term but one thing that had always united this entire Dáil was the issue of Gaza. We stood together in relation to this. It is incredibly disappointing that now at the conclusion of this Dáil we did not and could not do what we wanted to do such as the occupied territories Bill, to stand strong against what is happening in Israel and to put our heads above the parapet, and not just shout stop but make sure that we have no hand, act or part in the genocide in Gaza. Unfortunately now the time has run out. The Dáil will probably be dissolved tomorrow and none of this will have happened. I find this outrageous.

Ruairi Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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This is not the first time I have stood here and said that once again it is Groundhog Day. We have dealt with many serious issues in relation to this. Everyone has their single transferable speech. At times I have stood and said that everything had already been said. Everything was already said when the first speaker got up today. We accept that Ireland is not a global superpower. We accept that we do not have the power to stop Benjamin Netanyahu engaging in outright genocide but we know what we can do. It is a matter of doing those pieces that we can.

The Tánaiste spoke earlier about engaging on UN sanctions or the possibility of EU sanctions but when one is talking about the EU-Israel association agreement - I do not particularly understand it - why would one have humanitarian conditions and the need for some form of unanimous agreement in relation to deliverability? This shows us how bad the rest of the world is in relation to this. This shows us how genocides happen across this world and throughout the entirety of history. As Deputy Farrell has said, it is now televised. We are seeing Chełmno and we are seeing Auschwitz. We are seeing all of these things but no-one is stopping it. It just continues on and on.

We have an abject failure at EU level. This issue was brought up by Lynn Boylan MEP, in relation to the EU-Israel association agreement. We hear that the situation in Gaza is appalling. We are faced with an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. We are using this platform to communicate to the Israelis very clearly our position on the appalling situation in Gaza, on the need of humanitarian aid, on the cessation of violence, on the ceasefire that is needed, and on the need to have a two-state solution. I believe that the answer on a two-state solution is absolutely clear from Benjamin Netanyahu. We all welcome that we recognise the State of Palestine. We recognise the appointment of the ambassador properly but what will she be ambassador to? Who will be left? What are we talking about? I believe that Benjamin Netanyahu, as he makes sure that he holds on to his job, is willing to do whatever is necessary. He does not care who he has to kill, whether that is in Lebanon, whether it is endangering our own UN troops out there, or whether that is in an absolute and disgraceful humanitarian apocalypse in north Gaza. The entire Palestinian population in north Gaza is at imminent risk of dying from disease famine and violence. That is from acting UN aid chief Joyce Msuya.

She said humanitarian aid cannot keep up with the scale of the needs due to the access constraints. Basic life-saving goods are not available. Humanitarians are not safe to do their work and are blocked by the Israeli forces and by insecurity from reaching people in need. That is what we are looking at and dealing with.

It is genocide. That is absolutely clear across the world. What can we do? It is straightforward. It has been said by almost every person who has spoken here today that we need to ensure that no dual-use technologies are used for genocidal weapons that come from Ireland. We need to ensure that there are no overflights of weapons. It is all well and good talking about procedure and legal frameworks but we need to see enforcement. It is sad that we have to rely on the website ontheditch.comto ensure this issue is brought to light. That is why people talk about complicity.

Of course, no one accepts that the Government is involved and is supporting what Benjamin Netanyahu is at but we need to make sure that as the Irish people are against this genocide, we do everything we possibly can. Regarding the illegal settlement divestment Bill, I accept when this issue was brought up that there was pressure on Government and that there has been an element of divestment, but we need complete divestment. We were a small country when brave women stood up in Dunnes Stores against apartheid in South Africa, which had an impact.

We should deal with the occupied territories Bill. We should be doing real business. I accept this does not change everything but even if it is only a chink, calling out the Israelis properly or an element of real sanctions, then it would be worthwhile. I assume the Irish people will put this to every Government representative that knocks on the door in the next while. As much as we need this dealt with now, there has to be follow-through as soon as possible because at this point in time we are failing to do all we can and are failing the Palestinian people as they are slaughtered on a day-by-day basis.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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This is my last contribution to Dáil Éireann, having served in nine Dáileanna. It is a contribution I am glad to make because it will fittingly bookend many contributions I have made. If I can, I want to thank the people of Wexford for giving me the privilege of serving here for 38 years. I thank all of the staff I have worked with, including my own personal staff over these years, in particular my parliamentary assistant who is working so hard now. I hope George Lawlor will replace me in the next Dáil. I thank all of the staff of the Houses over the years I have been here for the courtesy and kindness to me.

This particular motion is a fundamentally important one, and I commend the Social Democrats on tabling it. It is right and proper that this House should speak as strongly as we possibly can on this issue on this, the last sitting day of the Thirty-third Dáil. For more than a year, the people of Gaza have been bombed, shelled, buried under rubble, burned and starved. A staggering 43,000 Palestinians are dead. Many believe that is a considerable underestimate. Up to 10,000 more are still buried under the vast tracts of rubble that was once the built environment of Palestine, the homes, schools, hospitals and communities of an entire people.

There are no journalists allowed to witness this genocide. There is no independent media, save those brave souls who risk their lives every day to bear witness, as others in the past have borne witness to acts of gross inhumanity. As of 6 November, at least 137 journalists and media workers have lost their lives in Gaza. Since the Committee to Protect Journalists, CPG, began to collect data, to date it has been the deadliest spot for journalists to work. Most independent eyes have been denied access to see the horror unfold.

Built Gaza no longer exists. Some 80% of the buildings have been destroyed and almost all of its population displaced, not once but moved again and again, allegedly to places of safety. There are no places of safety in Gaza. Wherever they go, weary, brutalised and in mental turmoil, shells rain down upon them. There is in Gaza absolutely no safe place.

Journalists and civilians are protected by international law. That is what we understood. That was the norm. After the horrors of the Second World War, civilised countries in the United Nations said they would build a form of law to protect humanity from repeating the horrors of the Holocaust. That is what the world community, including Ireland, signed up for. The deliberate targeting of civilians is, quite simply, a war crime yet it continues, day in and day out, and the world tolerates it.

One of the most serious and shocking crimes imaginable is the crime of genocide, a word that was coined by the Polish-Jewish jurist Raphael Lemkin. It is not a word that should be used lightly or a word that we in this House are using lightly. It is the only appropriate word to use to describe the horror which is now unfolding in Gaza. What other word is there? It makes the legal definition that we understood under the Genocide Convention that the civilised world drafted to prevent a repeat of the horrors of the 1930s and 1940s.

In the face of such horror, words are simply not enough. Words of condemnation and outrage are not enough. Condemnation and criticism are not enough. However limited our power is here - the Government side can say it cannot really stop anything- we have a moral responsibility to use whatever leverage and mechanisms we have, not in a protracted legal discourse but to take direct action to say, "Stop, and stop now". The people of Ireland demand that we reflect their horror at what is ongoing now in Gaza, with practical actions of defiance and a rejection of the ongoing carnage being visited on the Palestinian people.

The initial brutality of Hamas in attacking Israel is indefensible and apparent. The response of the Israeli Government and defence forces is entirely, wholly and completely disproportionate and illegal. We must act. This House is united in seeking to pass the occupied territories Bill. There can be no acceptable reason why the Bill was not passed this week. There is no logical reason for it. Even an imperfect Bill should be put on the statute books and sent to President Michael D. Higgins to sign, simply as a determined act of solidarity from this House on behalf of the Irish people regarding what is ongoing in Gaza.

It would be an important signal. It will not end the carnage or change the mind of Benjamin Netanyahu, but it would be important. To like-minded nations, and more importantly, the beleaguered people of Palestine, it would be a ray of hope and a signal that the people of Ireland on the edge of Europe see their suffering and stand with them.

I single out the great work done by Senator Frances Black, whose determination has ensured that the occupied territories Bill has remained on the Oireachtas agenda. It is an enormous pity that it will not get over the line. The election of Donald Trump will make matters worse, if that is imaginable. Enormous moral pressure will be put on Ireland in the next Dáil and next government to appease him. I sincerely hope the Thirty-fourth Dáil will have the moral courage not only to pass the occupied territories Bill but to stand against the pressures and economic threats that no doubt will come from the new American Administration, and that we will hold firm to the values that are cherished by the Irish people.

Pauline Tully (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I wish Deputies Howlin and Catherine Murphy well in retirement.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I also wish Deputies Murphy and Howlin the very best in the future.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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Thank you.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I thank the Social Democrats for tabling this important motion on the horror we are witnessing being committed by Israel and its allies in Gaza and Lebanon. Since dawn this morning, 22 Palestinians have been murdered by Israel and 40 people in Lebanon have been murdered by Israel. Since October last year, that brings it to a horrific total of about 48,000 people we know of who have been massacred by this regime. Seventeen thousand of them are children, who have been butchered by Israel. One thousand or so of those are less than one year old. All of those people have been massacred with US weapons and European weapons. They have given Israel the weapons to kill those children and to incinerate 48,000, and more likely many more people than that, to utterly destroy Gaza, and now to try to repeat the genocidal massacre that they have inflicted on the people of Gaza in Lebanon.

None of this would have happened if the western world had sanctioned Israel long before October last year for the decades of crimes that it was committing against the Palestinian people, because it did not start last October. Impunity has been given to Israel as it conducted its decades-long campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Palestinian people. The western world armed Israel while it ethnically cleansed the Palestinian people, while it established 700,000 illegal settlers after the so-called Oslo Accords, after it waged repeated savage military assaults on Gaza, imposed a siege of Gaza and, before October last year, killed so many that it was the deadliest year for Palestinian children in recent times. It conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing, seizure of Palestinian land and the imposition of an apartheid regime on the Palestinian people. All of this was allowed by the western powers and, for the most part, actively facilitated. It gave Israel the weapons, the favoured trade status and legitimised and justified this regime as if it was some kind of normal state. That is how we have got here.

When the history books are written, they will tell a story of shame of western governments, which stood there and did nothing as a genocide took place in front of our eyes, and where the Government's so-called allies in the United States gave Israel the weapons and support to carry on that genocide. Indeed, its allies in the European Union, the UK and so on gave Israel the weapons, means and political support to carry on this genocidal massacre. That is a fact. The Government still will not even use the word "apartheid" to describe this regime. It still gags on using the word and does not use the word "genocide" to describe that. The reason for that is if you acknowledge that this is an apartheid regime built on ethnic cleansing and if you acknowledge that this is genocide, then you would have to impose sanctions to deter it, which is why the Government does not want to do it. Some legal case that may be fully resolved or addressed in a year or two will be too late for the massacred Palestinian people.

What the Government needs to do now is, at the minimum, pass the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018. It is a disgrace that it has not. The Government needs to expel the Israeli ambassador. It needs to stop US arms and weapons for Israel going through Shannon Airport. It needs to stop Israeli war bonds being sold through the Irish Central Bank. It needs to support, as we did against apartheid South Africa, full boycott, divestment and sanctions against a regime guilty of genocide and apartheid. Anything else would not honour our obligations to stand against this horror.

Gino Kenny (Dublin Mid West, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I too offer Deputies Howlin and Murphy well wishes in their future outside Dáil Éireann.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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Thank you.

Gino Kenny (Dublin Mid West, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I commend the Social Democrats on this poignant motion. What we are seeing on our television screens every night is almost unbearable to watch, but you have to keep watching, because if you turn away, it will keep happening. The past 13 months have been exceptional in the absolute inhumanity of what is being done to the people of Gaza. The only parallel I can make in the politicisation of the world is the Vietnam War. In the Vietnam War, in the 1960s and 1970s, a huge generation became politicised. During that war, it is hard to believe that 2 million people from Vietnam and Cambodia were massacred. What makes a so-called country want to kill 2 million people? The only things I can think of are hatred and racism. That is the only logic of what is happening in Gaza today.

The facts are stark. In the past 13 months, we have witnessed the greatest concentration of armaments since the Second World War. The irony of that is that the Jewish people themselves suffered terribly under the Nazis in the Second World War. Now we are seeing a concentration of violence that we have never witnessed before. We acknowledge that this country has done better than other European countries but it has to do a lot better. The occupied territories Bill should have been passed by now. This is legislation that has been around since 2018, which is six years ago. How the Israeli ambassador is still in the country is beyond me. I know she is on gardening leave but we should tell her that she should stay on gardening leave in the Zionist state. She should never, ever be welcome in this country. There is a movement across this country and the world that says this cannot be tolerated because if it is tolerated then everybody's children will be next.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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I too wish Deputies Howlin and Murphy the very best. I thank them for their sterling and outstanding service here over many years. The House will be a poorer place without them.

The situation in Gaza is dire. The latest data suggests that as of 29 October 2024, more than 44,000 people, including 43,061 Palestinians and 1,706 Israelis, have been reported as killed in the Israel-Hamas war.

This includes 134 to 146 media workers, depending on the count you look at, 120 academics and more than 224 humanitarian aid workers, including 179 employees of UNRWA. It is outrageous that is allowed to take place and that aid workers and humanitarian workers who give up their time and put their lives at risk could be slaughtered.

The conflict, which began in October 2023, has also resulted in more than 101,000 Palestinians being wounded, 90% of the population displaced and critical infrastructure destroyed. These figures highlight the severe humanitarian crisis and underscore the importance of addressing this issue urgently. Ireland should always advocate for peace in the Middle East as a neutral country. Our history and lack of colonial legacy positions us uniquely to mediate and promote conflict resolution. While it is crucial to speak out against genocide and human rights violations, taking sides can be counterproductive and damage our neutrality and long-term prospects of peace. The humanitarian crisis in Gaza is dire, with widespread displacement, destruction, and food insecurity. Ireland must continue to push for international aid and support for the affected populations.

Highlighting the need for a balanced approach, we should advocate for both immediate humanitarian relief and long-term political solutions to ensure sustainable peace. Ireland’s strong stance on Middle East issues, particularly its criticism of Israel’s actions, has occasionally strained relations with the US, a key ally of Israel. Balancing our commitment to human rights with diplomatic relations is essential. We must ensure our actions do not undermine our strategic partnerships, especially with the US, which is vital for our economic and our country's interests.

As a signatory to the genocide convention, Ireland has a legal and moral duty to prevent and punish acts of genocide. This includes taking a firm stance against any actions that constitute genocide. However, our approach should be measured and focused on promoting dialogue and peace rather than escalating tensions. Iran’s involvement in the region, which is not mentioned in the motion, particularly through its proxies like Hezbollah and, indeed, funding of Hamas, has significantly contributed to the ongoing tensions. lran’s support for these groups has been a strategic move to counterbalance its adversaries, notably Israel and Saudi Arabia. This influence complicates the situation further, as it adds another layer of conflict and instability to the region. Addressing the role of external actors like Iran is crucial in any comprehensive peace effort. By maintaining a balanced and principled stance, Ireland can effectively contribute to peace in the Middle East while safeguarding Its neutrality and international relationships.

On the economic impact, sanctions could disrupt economic relations between Israel and the sanctioning countries; this could also affect industries such as technology, agriculture and defence, leading to economic losses on both sides. Sanctions may strain diplomatic relations, not only between Israel and the sanctioning countries but also with allies of Israel, such as the United States. We in Ireland have 300,000 people working here in US firms and with the new administration in the States, it is imperative that bridges are rebuilt with the United States to protect our FDI sector.

In Clonmel alone - the wonderful town of Cluain Meala, the vale of honey - we have nearly 6,000 FDI supported jobs. Merck, Sharp and Dohme, for example, is there for almost 60 years and it is a wonderful company. We have Abbott and Boston Scientific and trasna an bhóthair in Contae Phort Láirge in Dungarvan there are another couple of thousand jobs. It is vital to the south east and to our economy. Those workers and their families are so welcome in south Tipperary and Clonmel and are so welcome in Ireland. They contribute to a huge industry and have a huge social impact as well. The supply and service industry that supports them is huge and is nearly as big as the FDI job numbers themselves.

On regional stability, sanctions might exacerbate tensions in the Middle East, potentially leading to increased instability. This could affect neighbouring countries and contribute to a broader regional conflict. While sanctions aim to pressure governments, they can also inadvertently harm civilians by limiting access to essential goods and services. This could worsen the humanitarian situation in the region. It is hard to believe it could be worse but it could actually and we have to be careful. Israel might respond to sanctions with its own set of retaliatory measures, which could include economic or diplomatic actions against the sanctioning countries. This could lead to a tit-for-tat escalation, further complicating international relations.

Sanctions could hinder ongoing peace efforts by hardening positions and reducing the willingness of parties to engage in dialogue. This could make it more difficult to achieve a negotiated settlement to the conflicts. That would be the totally wrong thing to do and the wrong outcome. The imposition of sanctions must be carefully considered to ensure they comply with international law and do not violate human rights further. There is a risk that poorly designed sanctions could be seen as unjust or discriminatory.

In summary, while sanctions are a tool to exert pressure, they come with significant risks that need to be carefully weighed up. A balanced approach that considers both the immediate and long-term consequences is essential to avoid unintended negative consequences. I appealed on Tuesday during the Order of Business for the Dáil to sit tomorrow to pass the occupied territories Bill. Today is not a very busy day. We discussed this at the Business Committee. Two of the parties here, Sinn Féin and the Social Democrats, offered their Private Members' time to do it. If the Government were willing or interested enough to pass this, it would have been passed. It should have been passed and the Dáil could have sat for another day if necessary. It is such an important issue and we need to show there is unanimous support in the House for that cause. I do not know why the Government has dragged its feet and there was an outright refusal to pass this legislation.

Thomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent)
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I am thankful for the opportunity to speak on this motion regarding the genocide in Gaza, and to the Social Democrats for bringing it forward. This is an incredibly important issue for the Irish people. The marches, vigils and protests calling for a ceasefire that we have seen across the country over the past year have shown once again that the people are ahead of the Government on this. We have been shown this week, through the response to the FOI request published by The Ditch, which mainstream media tried to ignore, that this Government of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party is more interested in appeasing the Americans than listening to the voices of hundreds of thousands of Irish people.

It is plain to see the Government is interested in being seen to be doing the minimum to try to keep the Irish people happy and not piss off the Yanks, which is clearly a real concern of this Government. We are treated to the weasel words from the Government to say it is doing all it can. Hospitals in Gaza continued to be attacked and journalists, healthcare and humanitarian workers continue to work under life threatening conditions. A month ago, Gaza's Ministry of Health reported more than 43,000 Palestinians, including 16,000 children, had been killed in Israeli attacks and thousands more were buried under rubble and threatened by illness. That number is most definitely significantly higher now. Every day brings new atrocities. The Palestinian people must feel completely abandoned by the European Union and the international community; they are right and they have been.

When Ireland recognised the State of Palestine earlier this year, I said it would be an empty gesture without action. We are still waiting to see any meaningful action. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have refused to pass the occupied territories Bill, which I had restored to the Dáil Order Paper last term. This Government had every opportunity to pass this Bill and it did not. A future government must ensure this Bill is passed and our airports and air space are not used to transport arms. We must close Shannon Airport to the US military by banning US military aircraft from landing at the airport. Ireland needs to take a meaningful stand against America's facilitation of Israeli genocide against Palestine. In terms of meaningful actions that Ireland can take to support the people of Palestine, this is by far the most important. It is well beyond time to take that action and ensure Ireland plays no part in aiding Israel's apartheid regime.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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I also take the opportunity to wish Deputies Howlin and Catherine Murphy the very best. I have no hesitation in saying that, without a doubt, parliamentary democracy will be poorer for their absence. I wanted to say that.

I thank the Social Democrats for bringing this motion and using their time. I read the Tánaiste's speech with despair. It was carefully crafted, completely avoided the issue and did not reflect the outrage on the ground. I can tell the Government that it is completely out of touch with the despair, despondency and anger felt by people on the ground. In addition to housing and health, Gaza is the topic that will dominate when we go to the doors, and rightly so. They are angry with all of us, notwithstanding our best efforts to do something about this.

We come here today against a background of figures being thrown out, including up to 150,000 people injured. Within that, somewhere between 43,000 and 50,000 are dead. We do not know the figures because journalists are not allowed in there. We have no way of monitoring this. UNRWA was the only agency there. It should not have been there at all from day one but that was the way it was set up. Questions have to be asked about why we needed UNRWA in the first place, but Gaza and Palestine could not have survived without it. Now, the government of Israel, in its wisdom, is going to do away with that as well.

I read the Tánaiste's speech and I say, "Good lord. What have we come to?", when we produce a speech like that in the face of all of those deaths and injuries I mentioned. These include 1,000 healthcare workers and 183 journalists killed. I am sure it is higher than that. I do not want to single out anyone, but we have watched this genocide being committed under our watch, while we look at it, and in our name. More than 42 million tonnes of rubble and a large concentration of explosive hazards, in addition to everything else, pose an imminent threat to civilians, while the entry of specialised personnel and equipment and the conduct of explosive ordnance disposal activities are restricted. The bombardment by Israel from air, land and sea across the Gaza Strip continues to be reported and we get a Tánaiste who came here today to tell us nothing really, except we must be very careful. He is well able to tell us that we utterly and unreservedly condemn these brutal attacks - this was the attack on 7 October, which we are all on record as condemning - but he does not go on to condemn Israel. He used words such as, "[It is] beyond any moral compass", which I welcome, but following from that, if the action of the government in Israel and its army is "beyond any moral compass", then a different speech should be written, if those words are to mean anything. The first thing we should say is that we unreservedly condemn the continuous action of the Israeli army and its government in relation to the people of Gaza, and we unreservedly condemn genocide. These are the words that follow if the action is "beyond any moral compass".

We should then address what is happening at Shannon. The Minister, Deputy Eamon Ryan, finally told us, and the Minister of State might clarify this because the Tánaiste did not, that the memo that was to be brought to Government this week was to allow for increased powers to search, sanction and sample. That is clearly a recognition that arms are going through Shannon Airport. For the first time, we are now admitting that they are going through Shannon, In the past three and a half years alone, 222,000 US soldiers have gone through. Are they going to a party somewhere? Are they going somewhere without arms? Surely, the Government should question what the purpose of the soldiers coming through is.

I hope the Minister of State is uncomfortable with my words because I am most uncomfortable, as are all my colleagues here, as to what is happening in our name. Our words are just empty rhetoric really. We are in a sense of despondency that this is happening. We are attending vigils, and I do not like protest, and gatherings of people who are at their wits' end begging us to do something. We are receiving 10,000 to 15,000 emails. We are not in a position to deal with other emails because of the sense of outrage being outlined to us.

The occupied territories Bill did not come out yesterday. For years, Sadaka and all the organisations on the ground have begged us. Fair play to Senator Black and her colleagues who pushed this. The recognition of Palestine was included in the programme for Government in 2020. That did not happen overnight. That happened after years and years of campaigning and because Gaza has been under siege. History did not start on 7 October. It certainly did not. It is incumbent on us to read the history books and read everything possible. We know that there has been a 100 years' war on Palestine, deliberately created first by England, followed by America and then with the EU colluding. Let us remember that lovely woman who is in charge of the Commission who told us she stood shoulder to shoulder with Netanyahu because he made the desert bloom. This is the type of language we are colluding with. I will not collude with it; neither will the parties on this side of the House collude with it, not for the sake of objection or opposition for opposition's sake, but because this is morally wrong. It is criminal. Israel has got away with this and we have let it act with impunity. It has designated human rights organisations as terrorist. It has ignored the Amnesty report, as has the Government, which clearly laid out, after years of research, that Israel is operating an apartheid regime.

The International Court of Justice, the highest court in the world, has told us that the occupation of the West Bank and other occupations are illegal, yet we still trade with Israel and still wait for the morally corrupt leadership of the EU to lead us. It is time we led as an independent republic and independent sovereign state, when our history has given us the clear mandate to act because of our history.

Violet-Anne Wynne (Clare, Independent)
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The Government will say it has taken action and has led the way for the international community to stand against Israel's actions, but the public disagree. They see its actions as minimal and basic. The Government has continued with business as usual but there is nothing usual about this time. It is now 13 months on, with more than 395 days of slaughter, hunger, torture and atrocities that we cannot fathom. More than 44,000 are dead, 7,000 of whom were children, such as Salma, a beautiful girl to whom I dedicate my statement. It is a cruel and inhumane loss of life. As a mother of six children, my heart breaks every time I see Salma's face. The Minister of State needs to bear in mind what he will say when his grandchildren ask him what he and the Government do to stop this genocide. They will, for sure, hold us all accountable.

Shannon Airport has been used since 2003 to transport arms but this Government will not even inspect one single plane flying through our airspace. There is hypocrisy. Incredibly, our trade with Israel has increased in the past year. This is why the Government's actions and motives are being questioned. If that is the best that Ireland can do, then the Government must accept that it leaves us complicit in this genocide. That is not in my name. I am very concerned by the rhetoric coming from the US ambassador in regard to the occupied territories Bill and the threat that Ireland cannot control our own foreign relations decisions. Will the Government stand by while American allies fuel Israel's atrocities and let them tell us how to act?

We must pass the motion. I commend the Social Democrats on bringing it forward. We must take a stand against genocide, the killings of innocent people and war. We know the difference between right and wrong. We must call out Israel's crimes. Let us make no mistake: this is a genocide. If we do not act now, there will be blood on the Minister of State's hands.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Over the past year, we have witnessed the unfolding of a humanitarian catastrophe of staggering proportions in the Middle East. Israel's military operations continue in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon, with dire consequences for a civilian population caught in the violence.

With the brutal attack by Hamas on 7 October last year, more than a year ago, over 100 hostages still remain captive or unaccounted for in Gaza. The humanitarian situation is Gaza is truly horrific. Israeli aerial, land and maritime bombardments continue to pummel the Gaza Strip and its population. This is completely unacceptable. More than 43,000 people have been killed and over 100,000 injured. More than 1.9 million people in Gaza are internally displaced, which is almost 90% of the population. Many have had to move countless times. Acute malnutrition is ten times higher than before the war.

Some 345,000 people are facing catastrophic levels of food insecurity.

As the Irish Government has said repeatedly, Israel must fulfil its obligations and comply with international humanitarian law. This House, as has been said, is united in its horror at the level of destruction and human suffering we are witnessing. The urgency for peace could not be clearer. It is for this reason that the Government will not oppose the motion. We understand why the Social Democrats has brought it forward and the anger and frustration that have been expressed in the House. However, the Government cannot support the motion. There are several elements in it that do not reflect the realities that face us under international law or the realities of the Government's position.

The Government is focused on pursuing policies and initiatives that have a real and meaningful impact on what the Palestinian people are facing. We do so with full consideration of the overall political and legal landscape. Real change will not be brought about by unilateral measures or symbolic gestures. Our goals remain clear. We need to see an immediate de-escalation of the conflict across the region, an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the immediate release of hostages and a massive scale-up of humanitarian aid into Gaza. Ireland is committed to using all the tools at its disposal - political, legal, diplomatic and humanitarian - to respond to the conflict and work toward achieving these aims. We have provided a total of €56 million in support of the Palestinian people since the beginning of last year. Of this, €40 million has been provided in humanitarian assistance in response to the suffering caused by the conflict in Gaza since last October.

In May, Ireland recognised the State of Palestine, marking a deeply significant moment in our bilateral relations. It sent a clear signal to the rest of the world of Ireland's solidarity at a time of immense despair for the Palestinian people. The recognition of Palestine is not the end of a process; it is the start. Ireland is deeply committed to the pursuit of peace and support for Palestinian state-building, and we have been for many decades. Our intensive diplomacy and long-standing development co-operation programmes are testament to this fact.

The Government has also intensified Ireland's international engagement, with our involvement in the important work of the new global alliance for the implementation of the two-state solution, which was launched during UN high-level week in New York. Ireland's support for a two-state solution to the Palestinian conflict has long been, and remains, a core priority of our foreign policy. A two-state solution is the only just and sustainable peaceful solution for Palestinians and Israeli citizens. The Government is working to build consensus at EU and international level to support the implementation of a negotiated two-state solution and lasting peace process.

The case initiated by South Africa against Israel was completely dismissed by some Deputies today, which is-----

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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We will discuss it.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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-----a complete about-turn from their position a number of months ago when they stated it was very important. The Government has consistently expressed its intention to file a declaration of intervention in this case. The Government previously confirmed to the House that its long-standing intention was to file this declaration after South Africa had filed its memorial. South Africa filed its memorial last week and the court's order gives Israel until 25 July 2025 to submit its counter-memorial. The Government has taken active steps to progress Ireland's declaration of intervention consistent with its aim of filing the declaration before the end of the year. Subject to the court's ruling on the admissibility of our intervention, Ireland will then make robust submissions to the court on the proper interpretation of the Genocide Convention.

The Government has consistently stated that both Israel and Hamas must be held accountable for violations of international humanitarian law committed. All parties to armed conflict, states and non-states alike, have duties under international law. I mentioned that the UN system and institutions of international law and accountability, which Ireland works hard to promote and support, are under unprecedented pressure. It is unacceptable, for example, for the foreign minister of Israel to declare the Secretary General of the UN to be persona non grata. What is even more egregious are the developments that have sadly taken place in recent weeks. Last week, the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, took the decision to adopt two pieces of legislation, which, if implemented, will make it impossible for UNRWA to carry out its lifesaving work. UNRWA is a UN agency with a mandate from the UN General Assembly - a mandate from the nations of the world. It is the backbone of the humanitarian response in Gaza and the main provider of education, health and social services in Gaza and the West Bank. UNRWA's work is essential and irreplaceable for millions of Palestinian refugees in the region, particularly in the current context in Gaza. If implemented, this legislation will only deepen the unspeakable suffering of ordinary Palestinians in desperate need of lifesaving help. The Government has strongly condemned this move. It amounts to collective punishment and could have generational repercussions for the hundreds of thousands of Palestinians affected by it.

Ireland has spoken up loudly and decisively in defence of UNRWA. When Israel issued claims earlier this year alleging that a number of UNRWA employees are members of terrorist organisations, allegations for which an independent report has since found no supportive evidence was provided, several countries halted their funding to the organisation, which put it at existential risk. Ireland instead contributed an extra €20 million. In fact, Ireland has provided €38 million in core support to UNRWA during 2023 and 2024. This supports UNRWA's programmes in Gaza and the West Bank, including east Jerusalem, as well as in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. We are following up on this support now, with the agency again facing existential peril. Ireland, Norway, Slovenia and Spain issued a joint statement on 29 October condemning the approval of the legislation and committing to continuing to work with donor and host countries to ensure the viability of UNRWA's work and its humanitarian role.

As the Government has previously set out, there are no military exports from Ireland to Israel. The Tánaiste clearly explained earlier the regulation of dual-use licences in Ireland, which is carried out fully in line with our international obligations, including the EU's dual-use regulation and common position. The Government has on numerous occasions outlined the policies and procedures which pertain to overflights of sovereign airspace. On sanctions, the House is aware that Ireland does not impose unilateral domestic sanctions. At EU level, we have adopted successive rounds of sanctions against violent Israeli settlers and support the fact that further sanctions are under consideration.

We are under no illusions as to the scale of the challenges still ahead. Much more remains to be done. Too many generations of Palestinians have seen and experienced too much suffering. Advocating for their right to self-determination, freedom and peace will remain a central focus of the Government. Everyone in the Middle East deserves peace. Continuing the status quo is not an option. That way only extremism, radicalisation and violence will lie. This House, I have no doubt, is absolutely united in its conviction that the ongoing horror must be brought to an immediate end and for a peaceful, sustained solution to this conflict to be realised. In that spirit, the Government will not oppose today's motion. I already outlined the reasons we cannot support it. I am convinced, however, that this House will continue to ensure that Ireland remains the proud, fearless voice for peace we have always been. The Government will continue to use all the tools at its disposal to do so.

Jennifer Whitmore (Wicklow, Social Democrats)
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The Minister of State stated twice that Ireland and the Government are committed to using all the tools available to respond to this conflict. That is clearly not true because Ireland is not using all the tools at our disposal. We listed a number of actions the Government could be taking now that would send a very strong message to Israel that we do not condone what it is doing and would actually have consequences for Israel and its behaviour. The Government could suspend military trade with Israel, dual-use licences to Israel and the use of Irish airspace and airports for weapons transfers. The Government could impose trade, travel and diplomatic sanctions on Israel. These are all measures the Government could put in place but it is not doing so. Please do not tell us, as if we are all stupid, that the Government is doing everything it can within its remit and taking all the actions possible. It is not.

As a matter of interest, is the Oireachtas friends of Israel group still functioning and operational? Are there still six Fianna Fáil and three Fine Gael Members in that group? There is something simple and basic the Government could do. Has the Minister of State's party leader directed that those people should not be in that group? Has there been a call to disband that group? There should be no friends of Israel group in this House. Israel is committing genocide, and I will say it is genocide because it is genocide, even though the Minister of State, his party and the Government are afraid to use that term. It is genocide.

Children are being torn apart every day and we are standing by watching it. People in Ireland are absolutely disgusted by what is happening in Gaza. They want us to do something and take action. Strong words are not having the effect we need them to have. Israel is not listening. It is acting with complete impunity and giving two fingers to the rest of the world, and we are allowing it to do it. This Government is allowing it to do it.

People across this nation who watch television and social media every day are begging us to do something and that Ireland stand up. The Genocide Convention talks about preventing genocide, so there is a responsibility on every state to prevent genocide. It does not say they should take three years to do it and watch an entire nation being wiped out. That is exactly what we are doing and it is exactly what we are going to see.

By the time this Government gets through all its different measures, there will not be a child, adult or family left in Gaza. The Government is taking too long. It should use the leverage it has and take the actions it can take now. It should be brave and have the courage to do that because it is what the Irish people want. They want courage from their Government and they want to be able to say we did everything possible to stop this genocide. In ten years' time, the question that will be put to us is "What did you do?" Claiming we are doing things and expressing our outrage will not suffice. We need to use all our policy tools and measures, and the Government needs to do so now.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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I thought the Tánaiste's contribution was poor but then the Minister of State finished his contribution with the statement that while the Government will not oppose the motion, nor will it support it. That can only be described as some form of Schrödinger's cowardice. It was outrageous. The motion tabled by the Social Democrats speaks of our obligations under the Genocide Convention, particularly Article 1, and I want to be very clear about what that article states. It states that all state parties have an obligation not only to punish but to prevent genocide. You cannot prevent genocide after the fact when people have been massacred and all memory has been erased. This is why we, as signatories, are in contradiction of our obligations.

What we heard from the Government today, or from the Ministers who showed up, is its contentment with being the least worst. All the false indignation in the world and all the accusations against the Opposition that we are playing politics does not separate us from that. We have acknowledged that the rhetoric of the Government and State has stood out because the bar was so low. There is no glory in that, however, and there never will be.

The Tánaiste pointed at us today and said we should ask the Palestinian officials because they think we are great. In the darkest cave, people will seek the smallest glimmer of light but do not ask me to be grateful for it. That was an outrageous contribution. We and Sinn Féin were told we were playing politics because we simply offered time to allow the Government, of which Fianna Fáil is a member, to progress a Bill that the party brought to the Dáil six years ago. For doing so, we are accused of playing politics rather than being collaborative.

We were told there was no time for the amendments needed to the occupied territories Bill to be constructed. The Tánaiste said the ICJ judgment in July changed the legal context of the Bill. That is fine, and I absolutely accept that. However, it was only in October that the Tánaiste instructed his officials to look at where those amendments might be needed. He said earlier that some of the signatories of the Bill accepted that substantial amendments were needed. I was at the meeting of the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence on Tuesday, and that was not what Senator Black and her team said. They very clearly stated that when the Bill that Senator Black brought to the Seanad and Fianna Fáil brought to the Dáil was being developed, it was to be brought to the committee and some amendments could be made. They said they already had some legal arguments regarding amendments and should they be needed, they could have been progressed quickly. However, the Tánaiste sat on the ICJ judgment since July before bringing the Bill back in October for nothing more than a conversation. Now we are being told that it is all very complicated and we would not understand it, so we will have to do it at some point in the future. It is absolutely shocking.

The Minister of State said we did not refer to the fact that Ireland intends to align itself with South Africa's case before the ICJ, as if we were somehow overlooking that. That is not the case. When South Africa made its case to the International Court of Justice, we specifically said that we should not wait to align ourselves but should submit our own case and add weight to the case. South Africa's case is built on rhetoric. It is built on the genocidal statements of Israeli officials. That is what they are debating at the moment. We could have added weight by submitting our own case based on any number of things, including famine, which is so important to the Irish tradition. We could have added huge weight by bringing a case based on famine.

What about a case built on large-scale munitions being used in an urban environment, a concept that is a foreign affairs achievement of the Irish Government? Instead, we are going to wait until some undefined point at the end of this year to submit our actions. All the while, buildings are being blown up and children are starving. All we offer is rhetoric and the Palestinian people are supposed to be grateful to the Irish State. It is horrific.

Then the Government tells us that we recognise Palestine. The line the Tánaiste used in his speech was incredible. He said: "The timing ... was carefully calibrated with other partners to build momentum." We recognised the Palestinian State, while at the same time Gaza was being obliterated. At that point, over 30,000 people, including women and children, had been killed, mosques, hospitals and centres of education were being bombed and all memory was being wiped out, and we put a flag up saying "Now we recognise you." Ten years after the case and four years after Government had provided for it in the programme for Government, yet we are supposed to ask Palestinians to be grateful. It is horrific.

I reiterate that our obligations under the Genocide Convention are to act to prevent genocide. We talked of complicity today and of not willing to be complicit in a genocide that is being carried out on the people of Gaza by Israel. The Tánaiste pushed back and said that was outrageous and that the Government was not complicit. We are complicit when planes carrying munitions fly through sovereign Irish airspace and we turn our gaze away. I have heard the Government condemn more the journalists who broke the story than the transport companies breaking the rules. That is extraordinary.

I do not accept for a second the Government not recognising that a genocide is taking place and not supporting us. The people in Gaza are being obliterated. We are watching it being filmed live. They do not have time to wait for undefined periods in the future when we can be brave or courageous. We are a small state. I accept we are limited in what we can do but the Genocide Convention has more than 140 signatories. That means some of us can stand up collectively, call it for what it is and be braver. At this point, we have failed in our obligations and the Irish Government has failed in its duties. It wants to be praised because the bar is so low. I do not think we will do that. Words no longer matter. About six months ago, the Taoiseach said "You cannot build peace on the ... graves of children". Those graves have increased in number in the time we offered words and nothing else.