Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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We have an epidemic of domestic violence. This morning, Women's Aid reports that last year it received its highest level of domestic abuse disclosures in its 50-year history. The figures cited in the organisation’s impact report are frightening, with more than 40,000 disclosures of abuse against women and children made in 2023. That is a jump of 18% on the previous year. Reports of physical abuse increased by 74% and economic abuse increased by 87%.

Emotional and sexual abuse and the scourge of coercive control are the lived experience of far too many women. The report details the horrific violence that women experience at the hands of partners or ex-partners: attacks with weapons; sexual assaults; threats against their lives and the lives of children; persistent surveillance; and the control of household and family finances. The consequences for women and children can be catastrophic - mental health crisis, exhaustion and burnout, poverty, homelessness and even miscarriage. The awful reality of women being beaten up, sexually assaulted, physically, mentally and emotionally manipulated and coercively controlled happens behind closed doors. It happens in the place where a woman should be safest, in her home. Some 266 women have died violently in Ireland since 1996. The majority were killed in their own home and of the resolved cases, half were killed by someone they knew. Behind every statistic is a real person and a real life. Domestic violence is not that far from any of us. It can be family, friends, a neighbour or a work colleague. It could be someone close who might be so overwhelmed by fear that they cannot speak up.

The findings of the Women’s Aid report demand that the Government respond with a level of urgency, pace and ambition to match the scale of the crisis we face. The third national strategy on domestic, sexual and gender-based violence must be fully resourced. The Ombudsman for Children must be granted funding to participate in the strategy. The establishment of the dedicated agency on domestic violence is welcome but it must be made fit for purpose and have the autonomy to address the crisis effectively. We need an all-of-society approach to combating domestic violence. We need positive societal change at every level.

As an immediate step, the Government must now solve the deficit in the provision of shelters.

The State has failed to meet its refuge provision obligations under the Istanbul Convention. Nine counties still have no shelters, meaning that women and children desperately seeking escape end up staying in or returning to violent and abusive homes.

Domestic abuse service providers have been underfunded for decades. Now is the time for strategy and investment to turn the tide to ensure that women and children fleeing domestic violence have access to refuge and the wraparound supports they need. Leagann tuarascáil Women’s Aid amach an méid foréigin teaghlaigh atá ann. Ní mór don Rialtas gníomhartha a thabhairt chun cinn chun aghaidh a thabhairt air seo go práinneach. Does the Taoiseach accept that the findings of the Women's Aid report highlight the need to ramp up the Government's response to domestic violence? Will the Government introduce an emergency action plan to deliver shelters in the nine counties where there is none currently?

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy McDonald for raising this extraordinarily important issue. Before I answer her directly, may I acknowledge the fact that the Minister, Deputy Eamon Ryan, has made the decision to step down as leader of the Green Party? Obviously, he has played a major leadership role in this coalition, and I want to acknowledge that. He is an honest, sincere, dedicated and decent politician. He is a person of substance and a person who has had a positive impact on Irish politics and I fully respect and understand his reasons. I just want to wish him well.

The answer to Deputy McDonald’s question is “Yes”. We absolutely want to continue doing more in this area. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, is leading the very significant whole-of-government – and, I hope and believe, whole-of-society – response that Deputy McDonald rightly called for in this regard. The Women’s Aid report makes for stark reading. The findings of the report are, quite frankly, appalling. There is no place in Irish society for violence against women or, indeed, violence against anyone. I want to reassure anyone who is a victim or is at risk of domestic or sexual abuse that help continues to be available. I urge anyone who is in fear or danger due to domestic abuse or any crime to please contact gardaí as soon as can be done safely. I will get into the specific issues. There are challenges and a need to do more, but I never want to accidentally put out a message that people cannot seek help in the here and now. If people are in danger right now, all of us in the House would urge them to seek the support of the Garda and others as soon as they can do so safely.

We have taken a number of steps aimed at protecting women against such abuse. We have shown that combating all forms of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence is a priority. This has been reflected in a whole range of actions. For example, we saw the establishment earlier this year by the Minister, Deputy McEntee, of Cuan, our statutory domestic, sexual and gender-based violence agency. This is now tasked with co-ordinating and driving the full implementation of our zero-tolerance strategy on domestic, sexual and gender-based violence.

The 2024 plan for the strategy has a number of very specific actions. It commits to exploring models for the delivery of domestic violence refuge accommodation and identifying opportunities to accelerate delivery to meet this target. I want to absolutely assure the Deputy and, more importantly, the women and people of Ireland that we are looking at how we can accelerate further delivery of refuge spaces, particularly in the areas where there is a deficit. The 2024 implementation plan sets out a number of deliverables on refuge spaces by the end of the year. Active planning and engagement are under way on the delivery of 150 additional family refuge units. There is the delivery of eight new family refuge units, ensuring that 25 additional family refuge units are now under construction as well. We are commencing the publication of quarterly reports on progress towards doubling the number of refuge spaces over the lifetime of the strategy, with an accessible tracking mechanism so that we can all collectively monitor the progress that we want to make. The development of the first 36 refuge units in Wexford, Dundalk and Navan is currently under way, with Wexford expected to be operational by September. In addition, 17 more safe homes were delivered last year and 13 more safe homes are expected to be delivered by the end of this year.

Of course, refuge space is a major issue that we are addressing through the strategy and the new agency but, in addition to that, there are also new laws. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, has introduced legislation that creates new stand-alone offences of non-fatal strangulation and stalking and has increased the maximum penalty for assault causing harm, one of the most commonly prosecuted domestic violence-related offences, from five years to ten years. We have also seen the highest level of funding provided to service providers working in this area.

We will not rest, I know the Deputy will not rest and I know the people of Ireland will not rest until we get to that zero-tolerance destination when it comes to domestic, sexual and gender-based violence. That is something we can all be united on in this House. We are eager to work with anybody on any side of the House to make progress in this area.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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I think we can all agree that the zero-tolerance culture and reality is one that we strive for across Irish society. However, it is important to acknowledge that we have very significant ground to make up and that for far, far too long, this issue did not have the kind of political priority or social priority that it so rightly deserves. The funding for services is inadequate. The Taoiseach cited an increase. I invite him, on this day when we hear of the highest level of reports to Women’s Aid in its 50-year history, to go back to the drawing board and to stress-test what is necessary for these incredible services that save lives, and save women and children, so they are properly and adequately resourced. He should check, see and talk to the sector, and he will find that that is not the case now. As we speak, Roscommon, Carlow, Cavan, Laois, Leitrim, Longford, Monaghan, Offaly and Sligo have no refuge provision. That is the current position. I would like a commitment and a timeline from the Taoiseach as to when those nine counties will have refuge provision. Can he give us that date and timeline today?

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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First, I agree with the Deputy that this was not a social or a national priority in all aspects of life, including in politics, until those like the Minister, Deputy McEntee, prioritised the issue. We have now seen this become an absolute priority. We have taken very significant assignments of responsibility and decisions within Government to say the Minister, Deputy McEntee, now co-ordinates across all of Government in relation to domestic, sexual and gender-based violence because every Department has a role to play. I assure Deputy McDonald, as I know the sector would, that the level of engagement we have with the sector and with the service providers - the people the Deputy rightly identifies as those who are saving lives and doing incredible work - is intense, frequent and regular, as it should be. The level of funding to service providers has risen from about €20 million a year to about €59 million a year and I am committing on the floor of the Dáil that it will rise again.

With regard to refuge spaces, I will send a breakdown note to the Deputy on how we intend to address the issues. There is a plan to double the number of refuge places to 280. We have tasked Cuan specifically with publishing a quarterly tracking report in relation to how we are going to make progress on that for all to see.

Ivana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour)
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I begin by acknowledging the resignation of the Minister, Deputy Eamon Ryan, as leader of the Green Party. I wish Eamon and his family well on this momentous personal decision. I also wish Eamon’s colleagues in the Green Party well. I acknowledge his immense contribution to public service and environmentalism.

Without a functioning planning system, we have no hope of achieving our climate targets or housing targets. The Planning and Development Bill, which was heralded by the Government as the solution to chaos in the planning system, is, in its current form, incapable of resolving those problems and there is ample evidence that it will make matters worse. I know the Taoiseach and the Minister, Deputy O’Brien, want to reform the planning system. That is why I am confounded by the almost total opposition to any critique of the planning Bill, whether from the Opposition, environmentalists or the construction industry. Instead, the approach is to ram the Bill through, guillotining debate, offering just days to consider hundreds of amendments and relying on unspecified legal advice where legitimate concerns are raised.

In the Irish Examiner yesterday, Attracta Uí Bhroin of the Environmental Law Ireland group recalled the housing Minister’s commitment just in April that the planning Bill would be enacted before the summer recess “come hell or high water”. Many of us would venture that the Bill, if passed in its current form, would bring about a sort of planning hell and a flood of delays. Even though the Bill is being delayed beyond the summer, despite what the Minister said, we saw debate guillotined last week, with many amendments not reached, including my own, and it seems it will be passing through the Seanad with similar undue haste.

The Taoiseach is likely to say in response that we in opposition are always calling for faster delivery of homes and this Bill is one way to ensure that. It is true that we want to see action, we want to see delivery and we want to see the homes that our communities need being built. However, this legislation, far from facilitating more building, in our view, risks taking our beleaguered planning system and damaging it even more.

For example, I have watched the housing Minister - we all have - say time and again that the Bill is compliant with the Aarhus Convention, the international agreement that protects the right to public participation. Most recently, last week, this assertion was made more than 24 hours after the office of the Minister, Deputy Ryan, was warned by the UN's Aarhus Convention compliance committee that this was not the case, and the Bill was not compliant. Nevertheless, the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, proceeded and we saw the guillotine imposed on the debate last week. When that guillotine took effect, numerous outstanding Opposition and indeed Government amendments had not been debated, including my own amendments, as I have said. The Government amendments, unscrutinised, were automatically incorporated into the flawed Bill, and that is really disappointing. We have seen so much work go into this massive Bill, only to see it passed in such a hasty fashion and without the opportunity to scrutinise these legitimate concerns.

Does the Taoiseach accept that the manner in which the Bill was passed through this House was reckless? Will he change tack in its process through the Seanad, and can he clarify whether the Government was on notice of the warning that the Bill was not Aarhus-compliant, when assertions were made to the contrary by the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, last week?

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy Bacik for the question and for acknowledging the role the Minister, Deputy Ryan, has played as a leader of his party. I am very conscious that he intends to continue in office, and that is a matter for the soon-to-be new leader of the Green Party in due course, but also continuing to serve his constituents in the Deputy's own constituency until the next election. He is a politician of substance and impact and I know we all understand and respect his decision.

With regard to this very important issue around planning, I accept everybody has largely engaged in good faith on this. I do not believe the Bill has been rushed though. I genuinely do not. The Deputy has indicated what some of my response is going to be already so I will not say that, in the interests of saving time. This legislation has had massive and lengthy consideration, as it should, at the Oireachtas committee.

Seán Sherlock (Cork East, Labour)
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Not in this Chamber.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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The committee, chaired by Deputy Steven Matthews, who is here with us, had about 120 hours worth of hearings on Committee Stage. That is extraordinarily significant and for people watching this debate and Leaders' Questions, that is quite an unusual length of time on Committee Stage, as it should be with respect to getting this right.

The Planning and Development Bill 2023 did complete all Stages in this House, as Deputies know, on 12 June, and it will now begin its passage through Seanad Éireann. I understand it is scheduled to begin in the Seanad on 27 June. Obviously, the timing of this is a matter for the Oireachtas and I know the Seanad will want to give this issue due consideration and tease through various issues as well. We have amended the Bill to deal with spurious planning submissions and appeals. I think that is important. Statutory declarations must be submitted with all submissions or objections on planning applications, appeals and judicial reviews stating that they are not being done for the purpose of delaying a development or for receiving a payment. There is also a ban on requesting a payment for not opposing a development.

I will have to check exactly what the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, found out because I do not know the answer to the Deputy's specific question but my understanding is the Minister is aware of the draft compliance report from the Aarhus Convention compliance committee and its comments on the Bill. The Bill was drafted to ensure compliance with the convention and of course the Minister is consulting with the Attorney General on the matter. My understanding is that the Minister is satisfied that the Bill was drafted to ensure full compliance with the Aarhus Convention. Of course, there will be an opportunity to engage with the Office of the Attorney General and, no doubt, this is something that will be scrutinised further in the Seanad.

It is always a balance when it comes to legislation, and how long you give legislation. There is a lots of legislation on lots of different areas waiting to get through this House. I think this Bill received a lot of time in the Dáil and a lot of time at the committee. I think it is now appropriate that it has passed the Dáil and will be considered by the Seanad.

Ivana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour)
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There was extensive consideration on Committee Stage, that is absolutely right, and I commend Deputy Matthews on steering the debate there with such patience and good will. However, there was not ample time in this Chamber to debate it on Report Stage, and that it is the point. More than 800 amendments were tabled on Report Stage and I think we were at about amendment No. 200-and-something when the Bill was guillotined last Wednesday night. None of my amendments were reached. Among the amendments the Labour Party put forward was one to criminalise abuse of the planning process, an amendment we were glad to see the Minister accept. However, with regard to the Minister's own amendment, which was effectively seeking to do the same thing, we had substantive points to raise. That is a really important provision. That provision alone was a criminal provision in a Bill, which had not been before the House.

It had not been before the committee at an earlier Stage. It was something which we in the Labour Party had initiated and which we did not have the chance to debate in this House. That is quite a serious matter.

As for the Aarhus Convention matter, of course we will be ventilating these matters through our Labour Party Senators, as will others, but it is simply not good enough for a Bill of this import to be rushed through at such speed, given those two significant issues, which were incapable of being debated in this House.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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The honest truth is that on any legislative issue, one gets to a point where the point of disagreement is just reached. I can absolutely assure the Deputy that the Minister-----

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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It was not reached.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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It was reached. I will explain to Deputy Howlin how the point of disagreement was reached. He has been in this House a very long time. The Minister and the Government have been listening to these issues through a whole variety of fora, through consultation, through Committee Stage-----

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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What about the Dáil?

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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The committee of the Oireachtas is not a residents' association; it is an Oireachtas committee of the Dáil. The Ceann Comhairle can clarify that is where Members of Dáil Éireann can go to tease through legislation. To be clear, the committee is of the Dáil. The only people who can attend it are Members of the Dáil.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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There was a lot of time spent there. The Minister considered the issues. Amendments are tabled on Committee Stage. Quite often, members of the Opposition, as is their right, table the exact same amendment, or a variation of it, on Report Stage. At some point, the Minister, with such lengthy legislation, which is trying to modernise housing planning so we can get things moving in this country, has to decide to press go. That is what we have decided to do. We need to progress this legislation. There are people depending on it for the delivery of major infrastructural projects, renewable energy and homes for our young people. Of course, there will be a further opportunity in Seanad Éireann to consider some of these issues.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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On 18 June 1994, Ireland played Italy in a World Cup match in Giants Stadium. The Irish team astonished the world by defeating the Italians on that day. Most of the country was immersed in celebrations of that shock result. Loughinisland is a small village in County Down. On 18 June 1994, like practically every small village in the country, people piled into pubs to watch that match. On that night, at 10.10 p.m., two UVF men in boiler suits wielding Kalashnikovs went into that pub and fired 25 shots. Six people were killed and five others were wounded. Mr. Barney Green, 87 years old; Mr. Daniel McCreanor, 59 years old; Mr. Malcolm Jenkinson, 52 years old; Mr. Eamon Byrne, 39 years old; Mr. Patrick O'Hare, 35 years old; and Mr. Adrian Rogan, 34 years old were all murdered simply because they frequented a pub that was normally frequented by Catholics and they were watching a match in which the Republic of Ireland was playing in an international tournament.

Some people may feel this is in the past but the pain, hurt and suffering for those families still goes on today. No one has been held to account for those murders. Victims and the truth seem to be the collateral damage of the British dirty war in Ireland. Mr. Niall Murphy, a solicitor for the victims, has said the victims have been let down to this very day because no one is being held to account for the massacre. He said Mr. Barney Green was the oldest victim of the conflict in the North, yet the PSNI and the NIO forced the dying Ms Bridget Green to fight to her last days through the courts for justice for her dead husband. In the year of 2016, in a police ombudsman report, Dr. Michael Maguire, stated he had no hesitation in saying collusion was a significant feature of the Loughinisland murders. That report found the RUC knew the names of the suspects of the killings within one day of the massacre but delayed arresting them. The police ombudsman report also stated that one of the suspects was being run by the RUC as an informant.

While some may feel this is in the past, this weekend, 1,500 people, dressed in black trousers, white shirts and white ties, marched in a UVF march in east Belfast. These murders are part of a long list of murders of innocent people in the North of Ireland. These murders were carried out either by the help of the British state or at least were covered up by the British state. The British legacy Act, which was passed, was designed to give amnesty to people who carried out murders to stop families getting to the truth of what happened to their loved ones. Thankfully, the Government has brought the British Government to the European Court of Human Rights on that horrendous Act. What progress has been made in the Irish Government's case against the British Government on this issue?

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy Tóibín for raising this important issue. I join with him in completely condemning what happened in Loughinisland.

I very much agree with them on the point that just because time has passed, it does not mean that issues can be ignored. It does not mean that an approach can be taken to any issue that is not victim centred and is not centred in terms of justice, truth and accountability. I think all parties in this House, and certainly all parties in Northern Ireland, which is a rare event, have rightly come together to condemn and oppose the legacy Act that has been introduced by the British Government. We do not believe it is compliant with agreements that had been reached between the political parties and the governments of Ireland and the UK because we do not believe it is victim centred. It is opposed by every victims' rights group in Northern Ireland and, as I said, it has been opposed by all of the political parties. It represents a significant deviation from the approach that has been taken through a range of agreements over many years. It was with regret that the Irish Government took the decision that it needed to take an interstate case against the United Kingdom. We did not do so lightly and we did not do it without exhausting all the diplomatic and political avenues available to us. We raised this at British-Irish Councils and all the other places one would expect Government and Government representatives to raise it. However, the mind of the British Government was set and the papers have been lodged.

I do not have my note on it to hand but my understanding is that the court is now, in the first instance, considering the case and its admissibility. It will decide on that and how best to proceed. I am conscious that there is a British election soon and I do not want to cut across that. However, I am also aware that there are different views among political parties in the United Kingdom on this matter. For our part as the Government and I appreciate on this basis, all parties in the Dáil, we will continue to speak out and speak up for victims and survivors and for the need for justice, truth and reconciliation. Any approach to legacy has to be one that has the support of political parties in Northern Ireland. It has to be compliant with human rights law and have the confidence of victims' representative groups and others. We will take every opportunity to continue to make that case. I intend to meet the British Prime Minister after the results of the UK general election. I hope to be in a position to do that in July. This is one of the many issues I wish discuss.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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The Taoiseach is correct in saying that the rule of law is a key part of any country being a liberal democracy and a part of the international community. However, there are still key questions in relation to the rule of law in the North of Ireland. June is also the anniversary of the death of Noah Donohoe. Three years ago, Noah Donohoe, a 14-year-old boy, was found dead in a storm drain in Belfast. The PSNI called off the search for Noah within 24 hours of the boy going missing. CCTV footage taken 14 hours before Noah went missing was inexplicably withheld from the family for two years. We have a situation where we are not sure even when the coroner's office received the CCTV footage. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland issued a public interest immunity certificate, which allows for whole chunks of information about the case to be redacted. The Donohoe family have made three complaints to the PSNI ombudsman in relation to the investigation. As the co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and a supporter of the rule of law, the Irish Government has a role to play in making sure that the family of Noah Donohoe has justice, that at least that the process of justice is delivered properly and by the rule of law. There are major questions as to whether the British Government is delivering justice, truth and fairness in its investigations into the death of Noah Donohoe. I ask the Taoiseach to make representations to the British Government to make sure that is actually happening.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy Tóibín for raising the issue of Noah Donohoe and my thoughts are with his family. I am reluctant to talk too much about any individual case. I am conscious of the processes and the independence of the PSNI from political interference as one would expect, just like An Garda Síochána in this jurisdiction. However, I am always happy and eager to hear from families and people who have concerns about how they have been treated regarding our State institutions or in our role as co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement.

I do not want to cut across any specific process other than to say that we, as a Government, will continue to speak up for human rights, for a victim-centred approach to legacy and absolutely for the support of the rule of law. We take very seriously our role as co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and I look forward to having a conversation with the British Government in July about how we can both work together in that constructive partnership approach that is so important to peace on this island and on these islands.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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I dtús báire guím gach rath ar Eamon Ryan cibé cén bealach a shiúlann sé anois. Freisin, tugaim aitheantas don méid oibre a rinne sé.

Fillim anois ar cheist na Palaistíne agus an t-ár brúidiúil, marfach atá ar siúl fad is atá muid i mbun cainte anseo. Rinneamar an cinneadh ceart an mhí seo caite ar an 25 Bealtaine nuair a thugamar aitheantas don stát neamhspleách Stáit na Palaistíne. Is í an cheist anois ná cad iad na céimeanna eile atá le tógáil. Tá práinn le céimeanna eile. I am going to return to the question of Palestine where genocide continues as we sit here peacefully speaking in this Parliament. I say with the greatest of respect to the government of Israel and to the Jewish population that they are carrying out a genocide. We took the right step on 22 May 2024 when we recognised the State of Palestine but, for that decision to have meaning, we now need to take further steps. Clearly, Israel and its army and government is out of control. They simply know no bounds and are not listening to anyone. I say that in the context of the facts today. More than 37,202 Palestinians have been killed with nearly 85,000 Palestinians injured. I also acknowledge that 1,200 Israelis have been reported killed and nearly 5,500 reported injured. Some 17,000 children are now known by a number of letters: wounded child with no surviving family, WCNSF. Some 70,000 units have been destroyed and 1.7 million people in Gaza displaced. The facts are important. It is important to let them out in view of the propaganda and the narrative that is going out from the Israeli ambassador and Israeli spokespeople. The UN Food and Agriculture Organization has said that 1 million Gazans face death and starvation by mid-July, while 100% suffer from trauma and depression. Some 8,000 children aged under five have received treatment for severe malnutrition. I could go on with the number of aid workers and journalists who have been killed. What I want to focus on in my last few seconds is to ask the Taoiseach what steps he is going to take to give a reality to the recognition of Palestine as an independent state. The first one, of course, is to stop the travel of American soldiers and arms through Shannon Airport. That is the most basic step we need to take. We need to end the export of dual-use goods, which have increased tenfold in one year. We need to enact the occupied territories Bill. Regarding the EU-Israel association agreement, why have we not acted on that and on the humanitarian clause as a basic step? It is as basic as inspecting the planes going through Shannon Airport. These are basic steps to be taken if we are to give substance to the recognition we gave a few weeks ago to Palestine.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I thank the Deputy for raising this issue. I spoke yesterday to President Biden and I spoke specifically on behalf of Ireland about the importance of an immediate ceasefire. The president agreed that there was a need for a two-state solution. I think he said that in his read-out of the call. My question to everybody is what more can we do to bring about the circumstances where a ceasefire can be achieved because I genuinely believe the first thing that has to happen is a cessation of violence. As recently as yesterday, 17 June, we saw as many as 17 Palestinians killed in Israeli strikes on a refugee camp in central Gaza.

I am aware of the reports of yet further strikes on refugee camps. We need an immediate and permanent ceasefire to create the environment in which we can work towards the two-state solution. That is the first thing Ireland continues to do at every international forum at every opportunity with every world leader. We did it again as recently as yesterday.

I also welcome the publication of the report by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel. The report asserts that there have been grave violations of human rights and of international humanitarian law. There must be full accountability for all civilian deaths and for all crimes that have been committed. At a time when other countries have not always done so, we will continue to support the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice. We have done that through additional funding as well.

Our position on the association agreement at an EU level remains clear. I articulated it again to a number of European counterparts as recently as yesterday. I will continue to do it next week at the formal European Council. It is unacceptable that a trade agreement that is in place and that has human rights clauses has not been reviewed. That is the position of Ireland and Spain. We continue to try to get support for that at an EU level. There have been some encouraging signs recently with the Belgian Presidency now also calling an association agreement review meeting.

Regarding dual-use goods, Ireland operates a robust framework for regulating the export of dual-use goods. The Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment is the national competent authority. All export licence applications are considered under criteria set out within the relevant dual-use regulations and in line with Ireland's international obligations. We operate a rigorous export control system and will continue to do so. It has been extraordinary that in the past 24 to 48 hours we have seen the decision by Ireland, along with Norway and Spain, to recognise the State of Palestine being used as some sort of peculiar justification - a pathetic justification really - for the illegal settlements on the West Bank and the determination of the Government of Israel to do more in that space. That should tell us that the recognition of the State of Palestine is not seen as something merely symbolic or inconsequential but is actually seen as something quite significant in terms of speaking up and speaking out for the State of Palestine.

We continue to do all we can in every forum we can. I will come back on the occupied territories.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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When the Taoiseach spoke to President Biden yesterday, did he ask him to stop the export of arms that are responsible for the genocide in Palestine? Did he ask him to take action on that? The previous Taoiseach wrote to von der Leyen back in February about the EU-Israel agreement; nothing has happened since. He wrote directly to von der Leyen and there has been no response. Yet this Government will vote for von der Leyen. I understand that Fianna Fáil has a little more sense and might not support her election. However, Fine Gael will support von der Leyen, who stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Netanyahu who, along with his government, is now the subject of the International Criminal Court inquiry into a plausible case of genocide. There is an arrest warrant sought for Netanyahu, among other people, and we are still waiting on whether it will be granted.

Von der Leyen stood shoulder-to-shoulder with him. She has expressed no regret about that while arms from Europe, including from her own country of Germany and France, America and other countries are responsible for the genocide that is happening while we sit here and calmly and coolly talk. Talk is over; it is time to take action. The various Bills that are going through the Oireachtas, including one since 2018 from Senator Black, have not been followed. The Taoiseach said the framework for regulating the export of dual-use goods is robust and rigorous. I really tremble if that is merely as robust and rigorous as the inspection of planes going on in Shannon.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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There is a serious misrepresentation of the views of President von der Leyen by some in this country. Some have done so for political gain during the European elections. I attended the European Council last night with 26 other prime ministers and presidents. I have not heard any country within the European Union actively propose another name for President of the Commission. While President von der Leyen has not got everything right, she has shown leadership on humanitarian aid and UNRWA, and has clearly called for a ceasefire.

It is sometimes convenient to blame President von der Leyen for other things. It is a matter for member states of the European Union to stand up and be counted when it comes to the association agreement. We have and Spain has. Belgium has made progress. It is not a competency of the President of the Commission; it is of the member states.

In relation to any arrest warrant, this country will always comply with international courts on these issues.

On Shannon and other airports, no airport in Ireland or Irish sovereign airspace is being used to transport weapons to the conflict in the Middle East. In 2023, and to date this year, no application has been received nor has any exemption been granted for the carriage of weapons on civil aircraft to Israel. Any such application, if received, would be refused.

Thomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent)
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Has an inspection taken place?