Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I attended a meeting of the European Council on 14 and 15 December in Brussels. The agenda covered the Middle East, Ukraine, EU enlargement, the multi-annual financial framework, security and defence, migration, COP28, EU-Türkiye relations, the fight against antisemitism, racism and xenophobia, and the EU strategic agenda. In his contribution to today's debate, the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will provide further detail on enlargement, security and defence and migration. I will deal with all other issues.

At our meeting, leaders discussed the devastating situation in Gaza. With others, I argued for an immediate ceasefire to prevent the loss of further innocent civilian lives, to allow access for urgently needed humanitarian assistance and to facilitate the release of hostages held by Hamas and other terrorist groups for far too long. This position was supported by a strong majority of member states on this occasion. However, a number of countries disagreed with the call for an immediate ceasefire, and as a result it was not possible to reach consensus on substantive conclusions. It was their view that a ceasefire would prevent Israel from anti-terror actions against Hamas. We do not agree with this assessment.

The Government will continue to press our position within the EU, at the UN, and in our international engagements. This conflict must stop. The killing must end. We have already seen horrific loss of human life, including the deaths of thousands of children. UN agencies and NGOs on the ground are warning of an imminent risk of extreme hunger and even famine. We have seen the wholesale destruction of homes and of vital civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, universities and the displacement of most of Gaza’s population. Civil society is on the brink of collapse, as people compete for desperately scarce resources as the weather gets colder. Tá cúrsaí dofhulaingthe agus is scannal don domhan é. Leanfaidh Éire ag obair ar son sos cogaidh láithreach. This situation is intolerable and a scandal to the world. Ireland will continue to work for an immediate ceasefire and a permanent peace. We will also work to ensure accountability for breaches of international humanitarian law on both sides.

The House is aware that South Africa is bringing an action against Israel under the genocide convention at the International Court of Justice. These proceedings deserve to be treated with the utmost seriousness. Genocide is the gravest of crimes, as it involves the intentional destruction of an entire people, in whole or in part. The court is expected to make its decision on provisional measures sought by South Africa in the near future. In doing so it will indicate whether it considers that there is any basis under the genocide convention to limit or suspend Israel’s military operations. Its decisions are final and binding. We will support and respect any ruling.

As this is a complex case, a ruling on the substantial issue, on whether or not Israel has breached the convention, could take many years. To date the hearings have involved only the two parties to the case, namely, Israel and South Africa. Other states that are party to the convention, including Ireland, can subsequently choose to intervene. This is something that the Government will consider very seriously indeed. If we decide that an intervention is warranted, we will submit one, as we have done previously, including in the case Ukraine is taking against Russia. Ultimately, however, any decision the court might make would not be binding on Hamas as it is not a party to the convention. We will, therefore, continue to pursue all possible diplomatic, political and humanitarian channels to alleviate the situation for the people of Gaza. Only a ceasefire on all sides can create the space for a political solution.

The worsening situation in the West Bank is also a serious concern. At the meeting of the European Council, I argued for sanctions against violent settlers who are attacking and displacing Palestinian communities. We want to see this agreed rapidly, and I really hope that we can see progress on this in the coming weeks. The Tánaiste in particular is working very hard on this. As the House knows, there can be no lasting and just peace and security for the people of Israel and Palestine without a sustainable political agreement, based on a two-state solution with the two states both viable and secure. The Government will continue to do anything that we can to bring this about.

The European Council also discussed Russia's full-scale war on Ukraine which has now been going on for almost two years. At our meeting we made the historic decision to open accession negotiations with Ukraine, recognising the remarkable progress Ukraine has made in undertaking essential reforms in the most difficult of circumstances. Our decision was an important signal of our ongoing commitment to Ukraine, and our firm belief that its peoples' future belongs within our Union. Ireland will continue to do all we can to help it progress along its European path. Ireland also fully supports the Commission's proposal for a Ukraine Facility, to put our financial support for Ukraine on a stable and reliable footing for the next four years.

I was disappointed that an agreement could not be reached at the December European Council. I am hopeful that it will be possible to reach agreement at the special meeting of the European Council on 1 February. Ukraine urgently needs this funding in order to maintain financial stability and continue to provide essential services. The European Council also discussed long-term military support for Ukraine and reiterated its commitment to providing assistance through the European Peace Facility, the EU Military Assistance Mission for Ukraine and bilateral assistance by member states, and to contribute to future security commitments over the longer term.

The European Council returned in December to the proposed revision of the Multiannual Financial Framework 2021-2027. The proposed revision covers sustainable multi-annual funding for Ukraine, migration and external action, investments in strategically important technologies, and technical adjustments to cover higher interest costs on next generation EU borrowings. The negotiating box presented by President Michel to guide our discussions provided for an additional financial envelope of €64.6 billion, including €50 billion for the Ukraine Facility, comprising €17 billion in grants and €33 billion in loans; €9.6 billion for migration; and €1.5 billion for STEP, which is the strategic technologies for Europe platform.

President Michel’s proposal reduced the amount of new moneys needed to €21 billion by reprioritising and reallocating €10.6 billion already in the budget. This was a significant reduction from the almost €66 billion extra originally proposed by the Commission. President Michel’s proposal was acceptable to 26 countries, including Ireland. However, Hungary was not prepared to agree. In the period since our meeting discussions have continued and, as I have said, I hope it will be possible for us to sign off on the package when we meet on 1 February.

At our meeting in December, President Michel also updated us on the work to prepare the European Council’s strategic agenda for the period from 2024 to 2029. This will guide the work of the European Council over the coming five years. President Michel wrote to leaders in June 2023, setting out proposed priorities. These are EU external relations, security and defence, energy, our economic and social base, migration, and the protection and promotion of EU values. Work was launched at the informal meeting of members of the European Council in Granada in October and continued via a series of smaller meetings in Berlin, Copenhagen, Zagreb and Paris in November. I attended the small meeting in Copenhagen.

Having heard from leaders in December, President Michel will now begin to formulate proposals, to be considered at a further round of consultations, before the work is concluded by the European Council in June.

Ireland will continue to reflect on our priorities as a fully engaged and enthusiastic member of the European Union and we will feed into the development of the strategic agenda in the months ahead. I will continue to keep the House informed of progress on this and other strands of the European Council’s work in the period ahead.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I thank the Taoiseach for his update on the discussions at the European Council in December. I note that a considerable part of those discussions centred around the continued need for the EU to support Ukraine, particularly with the latter in the midst of another winter of brutal assault and aggression from Russia. I welcome that the Council recommitted to addressing the needs of the Ukrainian people. I note the reference to member states providing “assistance to ensure the resilience of [Ukraine’s] energy sector through the winter.” There is a concern about attacks on civilian infrastructure. The Ukrainian ambassador set out starkly to an Oireachtas committee what that could mean in terms of the human tragedy. It would be important if the Taoiseach or a Minister of State outlined how the supports around resilience in the energy sector could be provided. An energy crisis in Ukraine would inevitably lead to an energy cost crisis in the rest of Europe. Reference has been made across party lines in the House to the importance of establishing a funding mechanism for the rebuilding of Ukraine. I would appreciate an update on same.

In contrast to the number of pages spent outlining the discussions and programmes relating to the EU’s support for Ukraine, the conclusions of the European Council regarding the Middle East simply read: "The European Council held an in-depth strategic debate on the Middle East." That is the full quote. I appreciate what the Taoiseach said about being able to secure a unanimous position on demanding a ceasefire. That is scandalous. It is a blight on the EU that, even at this stage, it has not been able to issue what is such a fundamental and basic humanitarian statement. We are reaching the point where the EU will have to be called out. I do not know how it can continue as an entity of 27 states if it cannot call out in a collective voice what is happening in Gaza. Its ability to claim to be a voice or champion for peace on the international stage will be undermined.

This highlights the need for the Government to co-ordinate the implementation of measures to advance that position with other states that support a ceasefire. A part of my difficulty with the Government is that it has been too narrow in its approach. As described by the Tánaiste and the Taoiseach, we have only been dealing with this issue from within the EU. What is great about the Irish global footprint and our international record over many decades is that our reach goes far beyond the EU, but we have not been utilising it effectively. In fact, there has been an attempt to narrow our reach and confine it to within an EU context. For example, the Government decided to withdraw from the UN peacekeeping mission in the Golan Heights in order to be able to meet capacity issues within European battle groups. The same can be found in our diplomatic approach to implementing measures on ensuring a ceasefire in Gaza and elsewhere across Israel and Palestine. We want EU member states to join us in that endeavour and for us to take measures together to bring a ceasefire about, but we should not confine our search for friends to within the EU. I would hazard a guess and say that our ability to get others to collaborate with us on that would be much more effective were we to look beyond the borders of the EU. Other EU member states may then be in a position to do likewise.

We have seen how such measures can and should be advanced. The South Africans had a thousand reasons not to take their case to the International Court of Justice – they had the exact same reasons in respect of which our leaders are being advised to show caution – but they made a determination that, while states should work with others when possible, they needed to show leadership at some point. While Ireland showed leadership at the outset of this conflict and, after a number of weeks, we were united in the House in calling for a ceasefire and became one of the first parliaments in the world to do so, we have not shown leadership in our actions. This is why we have had so many debates in recent days. There are actions that could be taken, for example, passing the occupied territories Bill and the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill and suspending the granting of export licences for dual-use items destined for Israel. If the EU is not going to take these steps, then Ireland should.

I wish to make a brief mention of this week’s meeting of the agriculture Council. The report indicates that agriculture ministers discussed trade-related agricultural issues and received a presentation from the Belgian Presidency on its work programme. A priority of the Spanish Presidency was to conclude the Mercosur trade agreement by the end of last year, if I am correct, but the Belgian priorities seem to be focused on trade agreements with Chile and New Zealand. Perhaps the Minister of State could indicate the status of the Mercosur trade agreement, given the devastating impact it could have on Irish agriculture and how it would undermine our climate action ambitions for Ireland and our ability to work with others on reducing global emissions. I would appreciate it if the Minister of State could touch on these questions in his closing remarks.

Thomas Gould (Cork North Central, Sinn Fein)
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Just over two minutes is not enough time to do justice to the need to discuss the atrocities taking place in Palestine. As children wake up without parents, mothers lose their entire families and worlds, and communities get wiped out, this Government has an important role to play. Israel is creating an entire generation of parentless children and childless parents. It is not killing its enemies. Rather, it is murdering innocent children. Nearly 50% of those killed in Palestine since the horrific events of 7 October were children. “Disappointing” does not describe the unbelievable failure of the European Council, which has not stood strongly enough against the genocide that is being committed. Given the history of our island and people, our leaders – the Taoiseach – should be the loudest voice at the table. The Taoiseach should send out the message as clear as day that we want a ceasefire now. The Government failed to call for one in its amendment to the motion this morning. Why is there such resistance? I do not understand why we cannot be honest with ourselves and the world about how this is genocide and we need a ceasefire. Why can the Government, on behalf of the Irish people, not say that? There are backbench TDs from Government parties who would support it.

They will have an opportunity to vote on it tonight. I am calling on everyone, and, even at this late stage, on the Taoiseach, to vote to call for a ceasefire in Palestine and an end to the genocide. Approximately 25,000 Palestinians have lost their lives and tens of thousands more have suffered savage injuries. At least a ceasefire would provide an opportunity to get the hospitals up and running. The Palestinians are being denied water, food, electricity and hospital services.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Go raibh maith agat. Tá an t-am caite.

Thomas Gould (Cork North Central, Sinn Fein)
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I will just finish with this. Some 25,000 people have been murdered. If that is not genocide, what is? I implore the Taoiseach, from my heart, to please lead this Government and the Irish people. We will support him if he stands up in respect of this matter.

Seán Haughey (Dublin Bay North, Fianna Fail)
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Israel's military attacks on Gaza continue unabated. It is truly shocking to see what is happening there and to witness the level of civilian casualties. Some 25,000 Palestinians have been killed to date. As we know, the European Council was unable to include a meaningful reference to this major international conflict in its final communiqué, which is very disappointing, to say the least. It must be said that the EU has not covered itself in glory when it comes to this issue.

What we need now more than ever is an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. I am glad that Ireland, along with Belgium, Spain and Malta, pressed for this in advance of the summit. Of course, we were one of the first countries in the EU to call for a humanitarian ceasefire and more and more countries have since come on board, as we have seen from the proceedings of the UN General Assembly. We also need to put in place effective humanitarian access and ensure everything possible is done to protect civilians.

It is important that Israel and Hamas are made accountable for breaches of international humanitarian law. In this regard, I welcome the ongoing investigation by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court into these horrific events. I also welcome the decision made by South Africa to take a case against Israel under the genocide convention at the International Court of Justice. I am aware of the calls for Ireland to join the action in question at this early stage. This is a complex legal matter. I understand that only South Africa and Israel are involved in the proceedings so far. I accept the Tánaiste's considered view that now is not the right time for other states to intervene. In the coming weeks, the court is due to deliberate on what preliminary measures should be taken in respect of this matter. Undoubtedly, this undertaking will be carefully analysed by Ireland and other states to see how we should proceed.

Ireland has also shown real leadership within the EU regarding the need to impose sanctions on violent settlers in the West Bank. Even before the events of 7 October last year, the prospects for a two-state solution were receding by the day as a result of displacement and resettlement by Israelis. I reject outright recent comments by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that this war will continue until victory is achieved and there can be no Palestinian sovereignty in any post-war Gaza deal. This is totally unacceptable and the EU, the US, the Arab states and the international community generally must make it clear to the Israeli Prime Minister, in no uncertain terms, that they reject this view and will work towards a long-term peace plan.

Everything possible must be done to avoid a wider conflict in the region. We have seen attacks by Houthi rebels in Yemen, backed by Iran, on ships in the Red Sea.

There is also the potential for Lebanon, where Irish UN peacekeeping troops are based, to be drawn into the conflict. Now is the time for effective international diplomacy to prevent such an escalation. I have no doubt that Ireland will be to the forefront in this regard.

I understand that agreement in principle has been reached on the EU sending a naval mission to the Red Sea with a view to keeping trade links open. Is it the case that Ireland supports this move but will not be taking part in the mission? Any clarification the Minister of State could give in this regard would be appreciated.

On Ukraine, Russia's aggression is relentless and civilian casualties are the consequence. Unfortunately, the counteroffensive by Ukraine has stalled and the war is as protracted as ever. The European Council gave Ukraine a morale boost by agreeing to the opening of accession talks. We can be thankful that the bold child of Europe, the Hungarian prime minister, left the room and did not veto this decision, although he did veto a proposed aid package to Ukraine as part of an overall EU budget package. I refer to the Ukraine facility in the context of the multi-annual financial framework. At the same time, the US has not been able to finalise an arms support package for Ukraine due to the opposition of Republicans in the US Congress. There is now talk of the EU 26 providing this financial aid package to Ukraine on a bilateral or multilateral basis. I hope that this matter can be resolved at the next meeting of the European Council, which is to be held in February.

It is clear that migration is now a major issue here in Ireland and globally. I refer more particularly to the position as regards asylum seekers in need of international protection. It seems that no country, including Ireland, can effectively deal with this matter in isolation in our globalised and interdependent world. In 2005, Ireland opted in to the EU asylum procedures directive with regard to the procedures for granting refugee status with a view to achieving a common European asylum system. Last month, agreement was reached between the European Parliament and the European Council on the much-debated EU pact on asylum and migration. This will involve the implementation by member states of a number of measures in the coming years. So far, Ireland has opted in to the European Union asylum directive in this context.

Most sensible people in the country fully understand the benefits of migration but we certainly need an informed and respectful debate about the processes that are in place for dealing with applications for international protection. Linked to this are concerns about the accommodation of international protection applicants. Acquiring more commercial hotels for this purpose is not the way to go. The State should be developing its own sites to provide this accommodation as a matter of urgency. People have legitimate questions that deserve answers. There is an information deficit on this subject and the Government has to take responsibility for this. Let us have the debate and we will then have to decide whether Ireland is to opt in to the various measures proposed in the EU pact on asylum and migration. It is very important that the Dáil be kept fully informed of Government thinking on these various measures in the coming months.

I wish to mark the passing of the former President of the European Commission who died in September. Jacques Delors was a visionary who passionately believed in the European project. For him, the EU was more than an economic free trade area. He worked tirelessly towards achieving a political union in a more unified Europe. His legacy can serve as an inspiration to the European leaders of today.

Brexit continues to work its way through our political and economic systems. We have had the withdrawal agreement, the trade and co-operation agreement and, more recently, the Windsor Framework. We continue to hope that the DUP in the North will come to terms with that framework and reconsider entering Stormont as soon as possible. Irish exporters, especially those exporting agrifood products, need to be fully aware of the new rules coming into force in the UK on 31 January and the Government needs to be proactive in disseminating information on that issue over the coming weeks.

Ruairi Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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As I said earlier, we all welcomed the letter from Ireland, Spain, Malta and Belgium asking for a ceasefire. It seems very little. It is an abject failure on the part of the European Union that it cannot simply ask for a ceasefire when an awful lot of us and, far more importantly, legal experts would say that a genocide is being carried out. Call it what you will but 25,700 Palestinians have been killed in the Gaza Strip. We all know the power differential between the Palestinian people and the Israeli military machine, which is absolutely supported by America and which the European Union has unfortunately given a green light to in respect of all that it has done. I accept that we and others have a different view but all we can get from the European Council is notification that an in-depth strategic debate was held on the Middle East when we had made the very simple ask that the Council call for a ceasefire. If we cannot get something more than that, the European Union deserves ignominy as it stands over, facilitates and allows a genocide. What credibility can it then have on other issues? We welcome the support for Ukraine and we have seen the issues and obstacles created by Viktor Orbán but the rest of the world looks on and says this is utter hypocrisy. We really need to move beyond that. We would all like to see agreement across the European Union but where is it?

We have to recognise who makes up the Israeli regime. Benjamin Netanyahu's Twitter account provided absolute clarity. He said that he would not compromise on full Israeli security control over all of the territory west of Jordan and that this is contrary to a Palestinian state. That is it. It is not the first time he has stated something like that but he was absolutely clear. Israel Katz has spoken about artificial islands off the coast of Gaza. While Josep Borrell and others were obviously not entirely impressed with this, not being impressed is not enough. We need to move things on. What can possibly be garnered from the European Union that looks close to a sanction of any sort? If there is nothing, what can those other countries within the European Union and beyond do to call out the Israelis and to put pressure on the Americans? That is what is necessary.

We need to take the lesson provided to us by Caoimhe de Barra and Trócaire. We have a legal obligation to do what we can to prevent the act of genocide. Israel's unrelenting military campaign on the Gaza Strip has resulted in more than 25,000 deaths and the displacement of 1.9 million people. That should be enough to cause us to voice our support for the South African actions at the ICJ. We can follow up on the legalities afterwards but that should at least be a first step. We need to take action. There has been a dismal failure right across Europe and a dismal failure by us. It cannot continue.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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I would love to be sitting here today for post-European Council statements and talking about the plethora of different issues I would like to discuss in respect of migration, the supports we should be providing to those seeking sanctuary, accession candidates, artificial intelligence policy and rule of law violations.

How can we all step back from the realisation that in the past few days we have discussed the fact that a genocide is taking place - as most of us vehemently believe - in the shadow of negligence, at best, on the part of the European Union, and with the support of the United States and the UK?

It is regrettable that only today are we discussing the conclusions reached at an EU Council meeting that took place more than a month ago. Since that meeting in December, 7,000 more Palestinians have been killed as a result of Israel's barbaric actions, bringing the death toll to more than 25,000, including 83 journalists who were marked for assassination and almost 150 UN staff, at the last count. A further 45,000 people have been wounded, many of them children who have suffered life-altering injuries leading to amputation, mainly without anaesthetic. Since 24 December, when world leaders convened in Brussels to discuss the conflict, women and young girls have had to resort to using tent materials in place of sanitary products, thereby risking toxic syndrome.

Since December, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has reaffirmed his genocidal belief that the state of Palestine should not exist, yet we have the conclusions of the EU Council meeting a month ago which outline moves to prevent the deterioration of slaughter. First, the Council stated that it condemned Hamas in the strongest possible terms. Second, it recognised Israel's right to defend itself in line with international law and international humanitarian law. This statement was only this week shamefully walked back by Germany, despite all the instances to which I have referred. The Council also expressed its grave concern about the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Gaza. The European Union is acting as if this deteriorating humanitarian situation is a consequence of some weather pattern as opposed to Israel's direct slaughter of people. Israel is a country with which the EU has a trade agreement into which human rights aspects built in. Those aspects are being neglected. I find it difficult to give legitimacy to any other policy we should be discussing as that continues.

Hamas was extensively and unconditionally been condemned by all at the meeting, a condemnation with which all present agreed - and continue to agree - but the priorities of the Council appear beyond tone deaf to the point of cruelty. When the Council convened, 18,000 Palestinians, the majority of them women and children, had been killed - bombed and shot indiscriminately as part of a genocide and ethnic cleansing project. However, the Council treats those in Gaza as an afterthought. The Gazans - the Palestinian people - are not even mentioned. The only reference is to the sterile semantics of the humanitarian situation.

Worse still is the fact that second priority of the Council, after condemning Hamas, is to recognise Israel's right to defend itself. Israel, a military behemoth backed by the US war machine, needs its right reiterated while it wipes out an entire population, but the Council makes no mention of Palestinians' equal right to defend themselves. It is sickening that the Government was at that time making equal statements of priority. Sadly, very little has changed. At the meeting, the Council welcomed its 12th package of sanctions against Russia in respect of its illegal invasion of Ukraine. This is hypocrisy so brazen that it leads one to believe that the biases present in Europe simply must extend beyond those of colour, creed and otherness

Coming back to the present, what this debate should have been centred around began by discussing Russia's invasion, a subject entirely deserving of attention. However, the situation in Gaza and the West Bank is at breaking point. It cannot be an afterthought. The Council's finding describes Israel's slaughter of innocents as a catastrophe. Yet again, nameless and blameless.

The position the Government is taking is absolutely out of sync with that of the Irish people. The Minister of State will see that later this evening, when it is expected that thousands of people will again take to the streets, braving storms to do so, to ask that we take action. Today, the debate centred around aligning ourselves with the case South Africa has taken before the ICJ or having the courage to go beyond that and initiate our own proceedings. I would argue that we should initiate our own proceedings and look to our foreign policy achievements. As the Minister of State will be aware, in 2022 Ireland not only ratified but initiated a pact on the use of large munitions in urban warfare and got 82 countries to sign up to it. The Minister of State may as well rip that pact up. As I stated, what we are witnessing in Gaza is obliterating not only people and innocents, it is also obliterating any semblance of goodness, foreign policy achievement or statesmanship. The old orders are being annihilated and the Government is standing back and giving the illusion of statesmanship as it allows that to happen.

Colm Burke (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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Like other Deputies, I have raised on several occasions the issue of what is happening in the Middle East in the context of the European Union and the roads we are now going down. I refer to the way Europe has developed in the past 50 years. Until the Ukraine issue arose, you could travel from the Dingle Peninsula to the Russian border without encountering a conflict. As such, the arms trade and the big powers were not making any money out of Europe. As there was no conflict, there was no need for the use of arms. We now have two major conflicts where arms, munitions and the supply of same are the key issues. I am referring to Ukraine and Israel's attack on Gaza. I am concerned that enough effort is not being made at European level. Yes, Ireland is making an effort, but I am disappointed that other member states of the European Union are not coming on board to work together to bring and restore peace.

I am also concerned that the international community - I am talking about the major powers, the states with real power - is not taking any action to restrict what Israel can do. This goes back to an issue I raised yesterday, namely, the fact that in 2009 Israel was allowed to use white phosphorous. When a person is hit by white phosphorous, it burns not just the skin but right into the bone. Likewise, Israel used cluster munitions. Cluster munitions are the same as what the IRA used in Northern Ireland. If a cluster munition explodes over a playing field, it will probably hit every person in every part of that playing field. After 2009, the international community did nothing about what was a breach of international law in this area. Again in 2004 Israel breached the rules relating to warfare. Likewise, what is happening at the moment is outrageous in the sense that there are so many innocent people being killed.

This debate is about what is happening at European level, however. We have made huge strides across Europe in the past 50 or 60 years in the context of peace and working together. People who had totally different views 70 years ago, before the Second World War, suddenly found that by working together, they could achieve a huge amount. In a range of areas, including healthcare, social care and education, every country in the European Union has made huge strides in those 70 years, yet we now have countries in the Middle East that are at a standstill.

As regards the problem in Gaza, this relates to a strip of land 21 km long and 10 km wide. In terms of my county, it equates to the land between Cork city and Youghal. There are 2.1 million people living there. In the past four months they have been moved to totally new locations without any supports. In the context of Europe, we need to consider what Ireland can do to bring other countries on board and get them to look at the matter from our point of view.

One of the problems in Ireland at the moment relates to the need to get out more information about the work being done by our diplomatic corps.

They are doing a huge amount of work in Brussels at European level and at UN level. Having been in Brussels for a short period from 2007 to 2009, I saw that we had a quite a number of Irish people who came up the ranks in the European secretariat, the governmental system within Brussels. Such people are quite influential. We need to use that influence as regards Europe taking a united stand on how we deal with this conflict. We have taken a united stand in real terms on Ukraine but we seem to have a problem taking one in respect of Israel. That is a huge mistake by other European countries. We need to work to find a solution to stop the killing of innocent women and children, and men, who are also very innocent, as I said.

I was in the region in 2009 and met the people there who suffered huge consequences of what occurred. In a 22-day period, more than 1,400 people were killed there. That occurred during the changeover of the American President. The outgoing President did not have the power to intervene and the incoming President was not in power. Between 27 December 2008 and 18 January 2009, Israel used it as an opportunity. Likewise it is now using it as an opportunity. Literally, it wants the 2.1 million people to move to a totally new territory. That is the clear message that now appears to be getting out there, that Israel wants to have this to no longer be a problem on its borders.

The other issue that is arising is with the West Bank, which incorporates East Jerusalem. In excess of 350 people have been killed there in recent weeks. The vast majority of them were by Israeli soldiers. Quite a number of them were actually children, yet there is no call on the Israeli Government to answer for those killings. We have to work with our European colleagues but we also have to send out a message here at home about the efforts. We have a fantastic diplomatic service. We have to get the message out about the work that is being done behind the scenes so that we can get other countries on board. One of the countries we really need to try to get on board is America, because that is where a lot of the arms are coming from. The influence America has over Israel is, unfortunately, not being used at the moment. As a result we now have more than 25,000 people dead. As I said yesterday, in 2009 it was one Israeli for every hundred Palestinians killed. I condemn what occurred on 7 October. If we apply the same rule now, does this mean that, with 1,200 people killed then, we have to wait until we have 120,000 people dead before it will come to an end? I thank the Minister of State for the work he is doing. The more work we can do to get European colleagues on side, the more we can put Ireland in a very strong position in dealing with this matter.

Chris Andrews (Dublin Bay South, Sinn Fein)
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We hear many people saying to leave politics out of sport. However, sport is increasingly being weaponised by oppressive regimes to win positive media coverage. It is called sportswashing. In the words of Nelson Mandela, sport has the power to change the world and the power to inspire. When you see the Dublin women's Gaelic football team and their brave and inspiring call for a ceasefire in Gaza, you realise how true Mandela's words are. Israel is targeting Palestinian athletes, their sports clubs and their facilities. Yarmouk Stadium in Gaza has been turned into a detention centre for men and boys, who are daily stripped, beaten and terrorized. It is painfully clear that Israel has breached the Olympic Charter on sport on several occasions and it continues to do so. The European Council, with the support of Ireland, called on the Olympic committee to ban Russian athletes from the Olympic Games. The Council was decisive in its approach to Russian brutality. Now in the Gaza Strip, there are more than 25,000 dead, mainly innocent civilians. We need Ireland to urge the European Council to call for a ban on Israeli athletes from participating in the Olympics. We must call for Sport Ireland, the Olympic Federation of Ireland, FIFA and all the relevant sporting bodies to call for an international investigation into Israel's violation of the Olympic Charter and impose sanctions. Ban Israel from international sports. Mandela said the Irish Dunnes Stores strikers demonstrated to South Africans that ordinary people far from the crucible of apartheid cared for our freedom. In 2024, it is ordinary people in Irish sport who must show they care. Irish Sport for Palestine has called on Basketball Ireland not to play the women's basketball game against Israel on 8 February in Riga. I concur with this call.

Martin Kenny (Sligo-Leitrim, Sinn Fein)
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Many of my colleagues have discussed the security conclusions of the European Council meeting and indeed the issue with regard to Gaza and what is happening there. The complete inaction of Europe in respect of that is deplorable. I also want to focus on another major issue we have around the world, climate change. We have seen the impact of it in recent weeks, particularly the storms we have had in recent days. A total of 221,000 homes were out of power. Many businesses, farms and people were hugely discommoded, especially business customers. For home customers, I got a message only this afternoon to say my power at home had come back. That is the same for many people around the country. People can cope with it at home in a lot of cases but businesses cannot. Businesses are under serious pressure in that respect. We have to recognise that climate change is going to have a major impact and is going to require investment from Government. We need to recognise that Government has failed to make that investment in many cases. We had a tornado in Leitrim village over Christmas, which I am sure the Minister of State saw. The Taoiseach came down at that time and said every effort would be made to help people and assist them. However, when the people in that village went to look for assistance, the only way they could get it, they were told, was to go to the community welfare officer. That was not much good or what they expected. When Government makes a commitment to provide services and assist people in those circumstances, it needs to back that up with action and it did not in this case. It is very disappointing, as it is in many other areas.

Another issue I want to raise is the storm damage that has been done, particularly in many rural areas. Much of it is done because of forestry that was planted much too close to power lines. Those trees are coming down on top of them now. There needs to be much more forethought with regard to how forestry is laid out given the huge infrastructural damage it can cause when there is high wind of that nature.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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Thousands of people will gather outside the Dáil at 5.30 this evening to express their absolute outrage and fury at the genocidal massacre Israel is inflicting on the people of Gaza as we speak, blowing children, mothers and innocent civilians to bits, blowing up residential buildings, schools, hospitals, churches and mosques, starving the people of water, food and electricity, and systematically destroying the infrastructure necessary for the sustenance of human existence. This is a genocide. Much of the fury of those who are protesting is directed at the Government and the European Union for its shameful failure to act to stop a genocide as we are required to do under the Genocide Convention.

All of the European states are signatories to the Genocide Convention, put together in 1948 after the horrors of the Holocaust precisely to prevent the commission of future genocides. When I hear the Taoiseach say no order of the International Court of Justice under the convention will stop this genocide, it begs the question as to the point of the Genocide Convention. What is the point of the International Court of Justice? It is a shameful statement. The entire point of the convention that was signed by more than 150 countries and the entire point of the International Court of Justice was to prevent the commission of genocides like that which was committed against the Jewish people by the Nazis in the Second World War.

Now we find the Israeli State committing a genocide and stating publically its intention to do so, as the South African legal team explained in detail, calling the Palestinians animals, saying they want to deprive them of food, water and electricity, and referring to Amalek, which is a biblical reference to the murdering of all men, women and children. They are saying they are going to bring nothing but destruction to the people of Gaza, making it clear they intend to drive them out. They are stating explicitly that they are going to commit a genocide and then committing it in front of our eyes.

Another thing about the genocide convention is that any state that fails to act under the convention is itself in breach and potentially complicit with that genocide. That is the truth about the European Union and, indeed, why I suspect the Irish Government will not take action under the genocide convention, namely, that it does not want to fall out with its friends in the European Union and the United States who are up to their necks in supporting Israel's genocide in Gaza, with billions in arms trade from the United States and the European Union which has increased during the course of this genocide. European governments are arming the Israelis to blow men, women and children in Gaza to pieces, and have given Israel impunity.

One of the really disgraceful aspects to the complicity of the European Union is the perpetuation of a false and dishonest narrative that somehow this is a conflict between a supposedly democratic Israel and Palestinian terrorists. That is an absolute lie. Israel was born in an act of terrorism in 1948, the Nakba. That event was characterised by massacres in Deir Yassin and Tantura, and the use of terrorist methods to expel 750,000 Palestinians from hundreds of villages and towns in an act of terrorism. Within days of the agreement of the UN partition plan at that time, Israel set out to move way beyond and breach the terms of the partition plan, seize Palestinian land and ethnically cleanse the Palestinians. For decades since, there has been wave after wave of ethnic cleansing, decades of illegal occupation, a 16-year long siege of Gaza and the systematic killing of Palestinians who resist and have the right to resist. Under international law, an occupied people or people who are victims of apartheid have the right to resist. The regime that occupies them, imposes apartheid or attempts to kill them through genocide does not have a right to defend that. It simply has an obligation to dismantle those structures of occupation and oppression. Why will the Irish Government not stand with the oppressed Palestinian people?

Emer Higgins (Dublin Mid West, Fine Gael)
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Supporting the people of Palestine is something I am really passionate about. Last week I organised a meeting for the Fine Gael parliamentarians with Sadaka, the Ireland Palestine Alliance, to discuss what is the absolute horror that is happening in Gaza. I brought this and Ireland's participation in the South African International Court of Justice, ICJ, case up on the floor of the Dáil last week, and yesterday I took part in the debate on Gaza. Today, I am formally indicating my support for the Government motion, which says "Stop" to the death and destruction in Gaza, appeals for safe, unhindered humanitarian aid and, most importantly, commits the Government to responding and supporting the ICJ's preliminary response. It confirms that once the case is filed we can intervene, just as we did at that point with Ukraine and Russia. As someone has spent time in Palestine, I believe that the Irish Government must show leadership on this issue and I am glad that we are showing leadership internationally. Ireland was amongst the first countries in the world to call for a ceasefire. We are already in a court case, holding Israel to account, and our Attorney General will travel next month to the Hague to give evidence. We are using our diplomatic channels to assert Palestine's right to its own state and we are providing practical support on the ground. We are providing €30 million in extra aid and €3 million to institutions like the International Criminal Court, which needs to hold Israel to account.

The Israeli defense forces, IDF, are renowned for precision, for their state-of-the-art technology and for their well trained tactical operators. Yet, 70% of the 25,200 people who have died in Gaza are women and children. I do not believe that a force with such a big defence budget, such advanced weapons and technology and such sophisticated training can do that by accident. I am not a lawyer or a human rights expert but in my view, South Africa is right. In my view, this is genocide - it has to be. I believe that Ireland should join their case. I am confident that once the legal case has been made, we will intervene at that point, just as we did for Ukraine. It is important to me that we do that at the legally appropriate time, at the point when we have our evidence gathered and when we have our legal opinions finalised, so that we can actually help the case. That means having and responding to the preliminary recommendations. It means analysing and adding to the substantive case once it is published. That is how we can best help the people of Palestine. It will send a strong, clear legally weighted response to the international community and to the ICJ. In the meantime, tonight we will send a strong, clear unambiguous message that we need a ceasefire, we need access to aid and that Ireland will be supporting the ICJ on this.

What Israel is doing in Palestine is having absolutely devastating consequences. Entire families are being wiped out, communities are being ravaged and schools and hospitals are being knocked to the ground. It is having a huge impact on stability right across the region. The Irish Government is saying "Stop". It is calling for a ceasefire and it stands ready to intervene in the South African case as soon as it is legally opportune. What we are not doing is intervening at a point in time when it is politically opportune. We are not in the business of winning votes off the back of the killing of innocent civilians. We are in the business of legal arguments, of diplomacy and negotiations, because that is what ends wars. The sad reality is that whatever the ICJ says, it does not mean Israel will abide by it. That is where we are and that is why we need our diplomatic channels. Negotiations and diplomacy are what really can make a difference now. We need to be working internationally to achieve a ceasefire, and I know we are doing that.

The Tánaiste has been to the region and has continued to support the people of Palestine at EU and UN level, because that is what achieves practical progress. There is no practical progress offered by some of the commentary made in this Chamber today and yesterday. The Opposition has torn strips off the Government for saying "End the war" instead of "Ceasefire". That is just not helpful. All that is doing is creating division at a time when we need cross-party unity and a cross-party statement to go out to the world. Right now, we need to be talking to international community, not playing to the national public gallery. As the battle for votes and public opinion happens here, people in Palestine continue to die. Gaza is being blown to bits, Palestinians in the West Bank are being killed, and we are starting to see instability seep right across the Middle East. We cannot allow tensions to escalate. That is what our diplomatic corps and our Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs is committed to avoiding. Just this week, the Tánaiste engaged directly with his counterparts in Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Egypt and the Arab states. That is what we need.

Right now, people in Gaza are in famine. People are using animal feed instead of flour to have something - anything - eat. The IPC Global Initiative is projecting that by 7 February, in two weeks time, the entire population of the Gaza Strip will be in phase 3 famine. What that translates as is the worst ever classification of famine for so many people in the one place. It is impossible to even contemplate what that would mean for people there, in particular for children, pregnant women and the elderly, who are the most vulnerable. Right now in Gaza, a baby is born every ten minutes. That means ten children will be born during these statements here today. A nurse in Gaza has shared her story of performing emergency C-sections on six dead women, on six mothers who died before their child was born. That is the reality on the ground in Gaza. That is why it is so important that Ireland, which has been a lonely voice on the international stage and I am proud we have been, does not let South Africa be a lonely voice on that stage.

Once the preliminary verdict has been published and analysed, we have to join the case.

Mark Ward (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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I want to follow up on what my colleague Deputy Andrews was saying about Israel deliberately targeting Palestinian athletes. Chris was right; sport has the power to change the world. I commend the Dublin women's football team for taking a stand at the weekend in support of Palestine. I was in the West Bank 14 months ago and met the head of the Palestinian Football Association. He told me no European country has ever played Palestine in an international soccer match, whether in a friendly or in a competition. I urge the Minister of State to raise at the next European Council meeting why this has not happened.

I again wrote to the FAI today urging it to organise this international friendly. I believe this match would sell out the Aviva Stadium or Croke Park and be a spectacular event of colour. We have all seen the Palestinian flags at soccer matches in Celtic Park, in League of Ireland grounds and in international matches here, and the Irish and Palestinian flags flying together would send a powerful message throughout the world.

I congratulate the Palestinian football team on an amazing result last night in qualifying for the last 16 of the AFC Asian Cup, for the first time in their history, at a time of total adversity in their country. They need to be commended on that.

I again ask the Minister of State to raise at the next European Council meeting the proposal for an international friendly. I would appreciate that.

Mairead Farrell (Galway West, Sinn Fein)
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I am very concerned about the escalating conflict in the Red Sea and the risk this could spill into a wider regional war. Every time we turn on the global news, we hear inflammatory rhetoric, with some political or military figure telling the audience we need to prepare for war with whoever is considered to be the supervillain at that time. Truthfully at this point, we have to ask ourselves whatever happened to diplomacy. Where is the EU in trying to promote dialogue and de-escalation? I cannot understand how the US and Britain can find the resolve to bomb Yemen but not to call for a ceasefire and an end to the genocide that is unfolding in Gaza. The Houthis say their actions were a response to the genocide in Gaza, so if we stop the genocide, perhaps we can also stop the blockade of the Red Sea, allow shipping routes to be opened, conflict to be decreased and the loss of more innocent lives in Palestine to be prevented.

To most people, this seems absolutely elementary, but the British Prime Minister, Sunak, has said the UK will always stand up for freedom of navigation and the free flow of trade. It would be welcome if it took a stand for international law and the freedom of the Palestinian people but, unfortunately, it seems to be another case of the strong doing as they wish and the weak suffering as they must.

I again raise the issue of Julian Assange, something I have raised numerous times with the Minister of State pre- and post European Council meetings. What is happening to Julian Assange is an attack on journalism and the free press and I urge the Minister of State to raise this at the European Council meeting.

Cathal Berry (Kildare South, Independent)
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I am grateful for the opportunity to make some comments on the most recent European Council meeting, which was held before Christmas. I will focus on three areas, namely, Ukraine, the Middle East and the migration issue that was discussed. From a Ukrainian perspective, I am glad there is general consensus at the EU. Obviously, there are a couple of outlying EU states at the moment, but there is general consensus the European Union should support Ukraine for as long as it takes. I know there is a lot of talk in the US among some political parties that it should support Ukraine only for as long as it can, so it is very important the EU maintains its consistent position for as long as it takes or, as the Ukrainians would say, until victory, which is far more important.

In the context of Ukraine, I will focus on the European Peace Facility, the military assistance mission and the direct bilateral assistance between other states and Ukraine. It is good that Ireland is contributing to all three strands. It is contributing to the military assistance with body armour and ration packs as well as through the training of bomb disposal personnel, medics and drill instructors, which is very important and good.

There is consensus in this House that the money Ireland is providing for the European Peace Facility should be used for non-lethal aid only, which is perfectly fine, but there is an additional category we could provide for that meets that principle, namely, air defence. Ukraine, as we know, is suffering from Iranian-made drones firing at it, as well as cruise and ballistic missiles. It is very hard to have a lethal effect on something that is not alive, so it would be appropriate to allow the money we are allocating for non-lethal assistance to be used to provide radar and to use non-lethal assistance in the form of weapons and missiles to shoot down these inanimate objects. That is worth considering and it is entirely consistent with that principle.

A lot of Russian financial assets have been seized throughout Europe, particularly at the IFSC in the case of Ireland. The latest figure I heard, which may or may not still be accurate, was that this amounted to €1.8 billion worth of Russian financial assets in Ireland. I do not think it is enough to freeze that; we should seize it and use it. I know people are concerned about the repercussions and any reciprocal arrangement the Russian Federation could impose, but if there is a problem in Hungary and if there is a problem in Washington in respect of providing financial assistance to Ukraine, I think we should look at these seized Russian financial assets as well.

From a Middle Eastern perspective, it is a little more depressing that there is not consensus from a European Union point of view. I recognise there are historical reasons for this, but it is a pity there is not greater consensus. Even so, I am glad to see a lot of European states are moving towards Ireland's position, which shows how effective our diplomatic network is. It is appropriate we are looking for an immediate ceasefire to allow for more humanitarian assistance to get in and for a prisoner or hostage exchange to take place.

Another issue I am concerned about, which I have not heard anyone else raise, relates to what would happen if Ireland were to act unilaterally and not as part of the international community. Has any risk assessment been carried out in respect of our troops and diplomats in the Middle East and what the likely repercussions would be? South Africa, for instance, does not have any troops in the Middle East and it is quite appropriate for it to bring a case to the ICJ if it wishes, given it is unlikely it will face any repercussions, but Ireland does have a lot of boots on the ground out there. While I would be very supportive if there were an international community response through the ICJ, I would be concerned that if there were a unilateral approach from Ireland, there would be repercussions on the ground for our diplomats and troops. Has a formal risk assessment been conducted? I am not sure if the Minister of State has that information to hand, but if not, it might be worth considering.

I join the previous speaker in saying we are concerned about escalation and a widening of the conflict into the Red Sea, Iraq, Iran, Syria and, most especially, south Lebanon, where we have a lot of people. There seems to be a lot of commentary in both the Israeli Government and the Knesset that there is a likelihood of a move towards the Litani river in south Lebanon. That should be avoided at all costs and we should use every diplomatic lever and tool to prevent that from occurring.

On migration, I am glad to see it is on the agenda of the European Council because it is quite a sensitive topic and anybody who speaks on it should be sensitive about it. There seems to be a move to work towards a prevention approach whereby we look at the countries both of origin and of transit. Many people ask about the Irish development assistance fund, which comprises more than €1 billion depending on how you measure it, and whether that is money well spent. I think, for sure, that it is. Yes, we should be doing it from an altruistic point of view in any event, but the key message I am trying to get across is that it is also in Ireland's vital national interest that our overseas development aid budget be maintained in order that we can look after people in their countries of origin such that they will at least not feel forced to migrate to Ireland. If they come legally and in an organised, measured way, that is a completely different scenario. It is good that the issue is being discussed at a European level and here over recent months.

I am grateful for the opportunity to comment on the readout from the most recent European Council meeting and I look forward to the next one next month in Brussels.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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I, like many in the Chamber today, want to speak on the continued situation in Gaza and the horrendous war we are seeing unfold. Many Members have spoken about this since the October attacks by Hamas, which were atrocious and have rightly been condemned. Yet, the response from the Israel Defense Forces has been disproportionate. It has been an attack on civilians, including the vulnerable and the young. Most sick of all were the attacks on hospitals. They can talk about terror structures existing or co-locating in hospitals, but we as a country have no evidence of that and we need the experts to determine that. To see people walking through the corridors of hospitals in full military fatigue and carrying weapons is terrifying. It is hard to believe that all this war-zone activity and the targeting of innocent civilians, vulnerable people, children, babies and old people is happening just a few kilometres away from one of the more affluent states in the world: the Israeli state. It is diabolical. That country is very quickly heading, as others have said, for a full-on famine situation.

The time has come for Ireland to join its forces with South Africa so that it is not a lone voice in the world of international relations at this time, and to carry the flag at the International Courts of Justice. I noted comments that were made by the Taoiseach yesterday in this Chamber. He stated that when South Africa files its main case, or in legal terms, its "memorial" case, Ireland will then declare a position and the Office of the Attorney General will state a position. It will be important for that to move fairly quickly so that we are not left dragging our heels when the South African case is lodged. It has already been progressing for the last two weeks. Although we have not gotten into the meat of the issue, such is the world of legality that things can often progress at a slower pace than humanity needs it to progress. I think Ireland needs to come off the fence pretty soon and say that it stands in full solidarity with the people of Palestine and say that it supports the very brave action that has been taken by the South African state.

I pride this country and this Government on being among the more outspoken ones. There are so many Governments in Europe that from the get-go gave the green card to the Israel Defense Forces to do whatever they needed to do. President Joe Biden is someone who I think most Members here would admire. He was here only a few months ago. I was utterly disappointed and dismayed when he condemned Israel but at the same time backed off and said they have to do what they have to do. That hands-off approach has just emboldened the attitude of Netanyahu and his military forces. I will again repeat myself with this point: it is the most vulnerable people who are suffering. We now see that the city of Khan Younis is now surrounded. Anyone who has watched the news over recent weeks will know that it is no longer a functioning city; it is the largest refugee camp in the world. To see it being surrounded by military infrastructure and heavy military equipment is devastating.

I want to speak about the ongoing situation with Ireland receiving international protection applicants and Ukrainian war refugees. We can be very proud of the role we have played. I am from Meelick in County Clare, where we have Ireland's longest full-time international protection centre: the Knockalisheen Accommodation Centre, which has been in existence all the way back to the Hungarian revolution of 1956. We have proudly and warmly received refugees for many decades. There are still people living in the Knockalisheen centre and they bemoan the fact. Many of them tell me they have spent ten or 12 years trying to apply for asylum and trying to have it approved in Ireland. They just feel that the system needs to be more agile. It has to be more agile because we heard the Taoiseach say just last year that this system is being used by many through the right means but that others are abusing it. If someone does not have the right to seek asylum in this country, they need to leave this country. If someone has the right to be in this country, the process needs to be sped up. They should not be living in a state of limbo like many of our locals at the Knockalisheen centre have been for ten or 12 years. It has to be a far more agile system. If they have a right to be here and that is fully proven, they need to stay here. Their status needs to be legitimised so they can fully assimilate, work in society and educate their children. If they do not, sorry but they need to go back to a country that can safely meet their needs.

It is also important that we look at Article 3 of the IPA, which deals with the "first country" in which an applicant was granted refugee status as being valid and current. It also states that the definition of “first country” for IPA can be the country in which the applicant enjoys sufficient protection and avoids refoulement, which means the forceful return of the refugee to another country. Ireland is not that. We have never forced anyone back. I am glad to say we have played a major role. However, in referring to the whole concept of "first country", it is inconceivable that people who are leaving war and persecution situations thousands of miles from here have traversed an entire continent and the whole European Union bloc of nations, and have arrived in Ireland without any country meeting their needs. If they are in Ireland and we have a role to play in supporting them, let us double down on that role. If someone has traversed 15 EU member states to get to Ireland, I think the rule laid out in Article 63 of the IPA can conceivably have been breached. There were a number of High Court cases in 2019 and 2020 around this very article. I think Ireland needs to have scrutiny here. We are absolutely pressured as a country, but I want to speak up for those people in Knockalisheen and the many people who have been backlogged in the system for many years. The system needs to be far more agile for them.

Some people coming into this country most likely need to come through the work permit system. Many people last year were applying for international protection in Ireland from South Africa. There are certainly disparities in the South African economy and there are social issues in that country, but these people should have come through the work visa system. Again, this is backlogging and clogging up a system that needs to be far more agile for the people who are most in need.

We received many people from the Syrian war three years ago and they have assimilated well in County Clare. There are people in the Knockalisheen centre from Congo and Senegal. Some of them have fled awful situations, but they have been languishing for ten or 12 years while waiting for someone to decide their situation. They just feel that if we are looking at the whole area of international protection, as well as Ukrainian war refugees, their voices cannot be lost in that mix as well. We need the system to be more agile and for Article 63 of the IPA to be scrutinised more closely from an Irish point of view, as well as from the point of view of the Office of the Attorney General and the Office of the Taoiseach.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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The last EU Council meeting in December was a pivotal one. The war in Ukraine, the enlargement of the EU, the revision of the EU’s multi-annual financial framework and the conflict in the Middle East were all on the agenda. These issues sparked a variety of opinions among EU leaders. Why would they not?

The meeting aimed to reach a consensus on enlargement, specifically on the potential of EU accession negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova, and the granting of candidate status to Georgia. The Taoiseach supports Georgia’s accession to Europe even though thousands of undocumented Georgians, most of whom are male, come in here every year. That is an issue that has a knock-on effect on all of us. EU enlargement had been off the agenda since Croatia joined in 2013, but it is now back in the spotlight. Nine candidates are currently have application status. There are lots of issues and lots of cohesion is needed.

What is going on in Gaza is atrocious. Is mór an trua é that the European community and European states cannot have a unanimous, cohesive call for a ceasefire. It is appalling from Hamas and it is doubly appalling what Israel is doing. It is a pity that weakness is there. We are showing that weakness. If the EU as a project is to stick together and have any respect on the world stage, surely we should be able to unite on something like that. It is a pity that we cannot.

I would like to join the previous speaker in mentioning work permits and visas. It is so hard to get these work permits and visas. There is such a delay. Companies and businesses must put up money first and there is a huge delay. We want them. We have had migration in this country for decades and it has benefited our economy greatly, but the situation we find ourselves in now is extremely difficult. There is a single narrative. I saw Deputy Harkin being belittled by the Taoiseach here today. All voices must be heard. We cannot have this single narrative where we cannot call on anybody who has issues. She said that she stood up in a public meeting to defend the system and condemn people on the far right. Describing everyone with a contrary opinion or voice as “far right” does not cut the mustard, however; it is disingenuous, it is not fair and it is not right.

It is shocking what happened in Roscrea. There are very welcoming people in Roscrea. Over the years, they have accepted many foreign nationals who are working in the workforce there.

One of them spoke at a rally there on Saturday week. He is there 20 years, a Polish gentleman, and his family are settled there. There is integration and they are respectable people. The whole media tarnishing them as far right and as extremists is shocking, disgraceful, untrue and unfair. There has been no consultation. Every time there is an incident, we hear there will be better consultation. This has been going on since Deputy Ring, the Minister of State's colleague, stood on the Government benches in 2019 and looked for consultation and a public debate and, of course, he did not get it.

What happened in Roscrea was to take the only functioning hotel out of the town. It is the only place people can use for social cohesion and events. There were staff working there who were literally told overnight that they could not work. We need to do this better and to listen to people. The Minister, Deputy O'Gorman, needs to go down to Roscrea and sit down with a subcommittee of that group of people who are still at the hotel. They did not and would not stop anybody from going in there. There was absolutely no attempt by the Garda Síochána to negotiate or to ask for a mediator. It was disgraceful. There were many people who could have done that. I would have travelled and have done that. I have often been involved in protests where there is always a mediator and negotiations. It was heavy-handed and extremely mishandled by An Garda Síochána. Those are men and women, grannies and grandparents, people who work and live there. Another Minister said how were they out there when they should be working. They are working. Some have taken holidays and leave and come off shifts and come there in the rota. They are genuine people, not racists or bigoted and not in any way discriminatory. They want their town to be recognised where enough is enough. They have 600 already. Some 85% of the International Protection Accommodation Services, IPAS, applicants in Tipperary are in one town, Roscrea. Fair play is fine play with me but the people of Roscrea need fair play and respect.

The Government then offers the people another hotel that is not even for sale. Tá sé dúnta ar feadh 12 bhliain. The Government might open it, buy it and might do it up. It is patent nonsense, reactionary and is not helpful to the situation. There are good people in Tipperary. They are the best of people in Roscrea. They want to integrate but they want to be respected and negotiated with and not bulldozed. Gabhaim buíochas.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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Tá sé i gceist agam mo chuid ama a roinnt. Is dócha go bhfuil an cúig nóiméad agam. Gabhaim buíochas.

I welcome the opportunity to take part in the post-European Council debate and contribution to the Dáil. I was listening to the Taoiseach's speech today and I have it here in front of me. He said:

Tá cúrsaí dofhulaingthe agus is scannal don domhan é. Leanfaidh Éire ag obair ar son sos cogaidh láithreach.

This situation is intolerable and a scandal to the world and Ireland will continue to work for an immediate ceasefire. I totally agree with the Taoiseach that it is a scandal to the world. It is even more of a scandal to us because we are not one of the big boys. I will repeat again, over and over, that we are an independent sovereign State and a Republic and we should now make our rhetoric mean something.

For the record, a Cheann Comhairle, I would not tolerate anti-Semitism on any level or be in anybody's company in that respect. It is a false argument to put that up because criticising the Israeli Government, its army and what it is doing is utterly and completely different to being anti-Semitic. What is happening now is absolutely shocking. The Government backbenchers have stood up and I have to admire them except what they said amounts to rhetoric really when they are part of a Government that is not following through. One cannot have it every way with the level of death and destruction in Gaza. It is now different and appears different from the sky if one reads the genocide submission. The destruction means that there is no country for the Palestinians to go back to and so when we talk about a two state solution, where is the state? Can we not stand up as a small country and as a proud Republic to tell Israel that this is simply wrong, shocking, and in my opinion is genocide? I will await, however, the outcome of the court in that regard.

The figures, however, speak for themselves. I have mentioned it three times already but one needs to look at the figures. I have cited the submission and given the pages and we take our quotations from the President of Israel, the Prime Minister of Israel, from Israel's various army officials, and so on, and from its members of parliament. There is no room for greyness or for anything here. They are telling us clearly what they are doing.

Deputy Whitmore mentioned stepping outside of the Dáil last week, as other TDs have done, to list the names of the people. I went out to do that thinking it would be easy. It is far from easy and I have not suffered. I am reading out the names of people who have died, of babies one, two, and three years of age, and I would appeal to anyone, including the Ceann Comhairle, to actually try that and not to cry. These babies are aged two, aged one, aois a cúig, aois a sé, and it does not take a very brave army to kill children like that.

At some stage this small Dáil in this small country should come together and tell Israel - who we regard as a friend and where we have not thrown out the Israeli ambassador - that it cannot do this and that this is utterly wrong. We call it genocide and Israel can call it what it likes but it is totally wrong and we will not tolerate it.

The whole point of the Genocide Convention was to ensure that what happened to the Jewish population, as well as to other people, would never happen again. It is happening in front of our eyes. It is being verbalised in front of our eyes and still we stand here.

We come to the European leaders coming together and talking about increasing the European community and looking at tightening up the borders, and so on. To me that is utter madness at the moment when we are facing the existential threats we have now. Then we have the duplicity and the hypocrisy of our attitude on Ukraine. We have no problem using condemnatory language over and over again. Last night, I watched the questions and I participated in them and I did so again this morning. There was absolutely no hesitation in condemning what Russia has done, in bringing in sanctions and in giving any amount of money, and yet when it comes to the people of Palestine, the Government stands up here and says that it is giving money to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA, and that we have given money here and there, while the country is being destroyed. We are allowing that to happen, a Cheann Comhairle.

What do we do with her friends, the US? We allow them to back Israel to the hilt with weapons, money and with support. Germany is doing the same thing as is England. Are we going to tolerate that? Are we going to stand idly by as those three countries support Israel in its genocide and in its destruction of a country? The more I read and try to understand, I realise that the Palestinian people never had a chance with the big boys when they carved up and gave a nation to Israel, and let the Palestinians, 750,000 of them, leave with not a chance of coming back. They never had a chance. Do you know what impresses me? "Impress" is the wrong word here but they are still fighting and still there. The very least they deserve from us is our support in a unified fashion.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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We now move to our questions and answers session. I call on Deputy Howlin.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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I call Deputy Ó Murchú and Deputy Mattie McGrath and then we will go to the Minister of State.

Ruairi Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Gabhaim buíochas leis an gCeann Comhairle. There is a huge level of agreement on what is going on in Gaza. It is a slaughter of the innocents by the Israelis. We all know of the huge power differentials and whatever else.

We are talking in the context of the EU Council. There was a failure to get any sort of agreement calling for a ceasefire as this slaughter continues. There is only so much I can hear about Germany and its history with the Holocaust. I think I have said before that Germany did not have this particular worry in 1973 when it was asked for support by Israel following the Yom Kippur War. It was obviously a lot more worried when Israel was going to war with Arab armies and it was worried about Arab oil. Do not get me wrong - the Holocaust is literally the greatest crime in human history, but it does not give the okay on the basis that nearly everything that is not the Holocaust is so much lesser. We are talking about the destruction of 25,000 lives and the displacement of 2 million people. We are talking about a part of the world half the size of my county that has been absolutely destroyed from the air.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Has the Deputy a question?

Ruairi Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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It looks like we cannot get any sort of deal on asking for a ceasefire at European level, so what can we get? I assume we can get nothing next nor near to the absolutely necessary sanctions that were introduced due to the war on Ukraine. If we cannot do it at that level, what can we do among the countries that are more supportive on this? What actions have we taken? What conversations have we had about the EU-Israel Association Agreement and those humanitarian conditions? If we are talking very specifically about the support, we are now getting soundings from the Government that at some point there will be support for joining South Africa's case against Israel. We have to address the point that has been requested across the board by Opposition parties, by some within the Government parties and by the likes of Trócaire, namely, the Government should give voice to its support at this stage.

Beyond that, given we think there is genocidal slaughter happening, I think of the other request and where it is. I refer to the conversation in Government circles about urgently conducting a detailed assessment of whether there is a risk that genocide is happening or will happen in Gaza. We can all give our answer on that, but where is the Government on the issue? We all know the legislation we can operate. We can recognise the state of Palestine. We can do things in conjunction with others. If they are not willing, we will have to take first steps because this is not good enough in any way, shape or form.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Tá cúpla ceist agam. Does the Minister of State not think it a failure that Europe could not make a united stand calling for a cessation and condemning outright the genocide that is going on in the Middle East and the fears of the spread there?

Under what specific treaties are we duty-bound to take in so many refugees as a percentage, and IPAS applicants? The Taoiseach has welcomed the fact that Georgia has become a candidate to join the EU. Has he or the Minister of State expressed concerns about the number of Georgian nationals who have come into Dublin Airport with no documentation? I have figures that were not picked out of the sky but taken from parliamentary replies, as has Deputy Grealish. Is the Taoiseach or the Minister of State bringing those things up during discussions over accession when the opportunity is available to speak with Georgian officials or ministers?

A number of people who are coming into this country have applied for international protection in many other European countries and have been refused. They are coming here through the North and down here by car, bus and everything else. I think Deputy Crowe said earlier that they may have come through a plethora of countries from a war-torn area, which we sympathise with them on. They may have gone through nearly all EU countries, or maybe six or ten, to end up here. We just cannot cope here. The narrative put out is that anyone who says anything is racist. That is an awful situation and it is bubbling under the surface. It is annoying people and it is going to get worse. I understand that under Lisbon II we, like Denmark and others, have an opt-out clause. Why do we not do that? Has the Government signed up to an agreement that if we do not take certain numbers we will have to pay so much per person we do not take?

I ask the Minister of State to answer those questions, especially the ones about the treaties and whether he has spoken to Georgian ministers about what is happening here. I also asked about the fact that because the Border with Northern Ireland is not being policed, people are coming through wholesale. People who have been in England and elsewhere for a number of years are coming here.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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There is quite a range of questions for the Minister of State there.

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I thank the Ceann Comhairle and all the Members for their time, for their questions and for the statements made earlier by those who contributed.

On the general point about the Middle East, Israel and Gaza, I strongly challenge the contention that the Government is standing idly by and doing nothing on the issue. If one looks at the record of what we have done, one will see that we were the first parliament and government to advocate for a ceasefire. We really called out in strong terms internationally what is happening in Gaza and what people are being subjected to daily. That is being very visibly demonstrated by the atrocities we are seeing. Deputy Higgins was very strong on pointing out what pregnant women and the elderly are going through in an area that is one of the most densely populated areas in the region.

Prior to 7 October, the country has been a party to two opinions it is working on with the ICC. The Attorney General is due to travel next month in connection with one of those opinions as well as the illegal occupation that has been happening. That work has been ongoing by the State. We have seen the Tánaiste travel to the region to have various meetings with actors trying to work on peace and trying to get stable voices who hold sway in the region to win out in terms of penetrating into Israel and working with the various different strands of opinion that exist within Israel. The State has been to the very forefront in doing that. We also saw how our ambassador to Israel was called in due to comments the Taoiseach made, so we have been working very strongly.

With respect to our European obligations, we have come together with a group of European members to try to advocate for a united position within Europe. We are all aware the European Union is a collection of democracies and not a federal entity. On that basis, it can be exceptionally strong when it is united, but at the moment we have a huge challenge, mainly due to the different backgrounds and histories we are trying to weave through using the best diplomatic skill we can to try to achieve a unified position. Ireland has been working to the very forefront in that regard every single day since 7 October. I really want to assure people of that. It can be very disingenuous when we hear it being thrown about that the State is doing nothing. We are all human and we all have compassion. No one has a patent on that. We see what everyone else sees happening in Gaza. We are doing everything we can night and day to stop that. We must be very careful to make our diplomatic presence count and Ireland has been very strong on that. Looking at the two-state solution as European policy, Ireland was the first mover in that area, but we moved when we knew we could win and could draw consensus and that is what we are trying to achieve in this area.

On the specific questions, Deputy Howlin raised the case first of all. We can look at what happened with Ukraine. In March the preliminary assessment happened. Ireland took its time - six months at that particular juncture - until September when it decided to intervene. Like with this case I do not know the exact timeframe, but it is a very specific legal argument on genocide. We have not seen any papers yet and have not been party to what case South Africa has put forward, but we will make that decision as quickly as we can once we assess and see the papers the cases put forward. We are working very strongly outside of that. We are robustly working with our counterparts to try to move the dial. We have seen two UN votes where all our diplomatic staff at the UN have been working hard. With those two votes, we could see the centre of gravity moved. That was brought forward to the last European Council meeting, so that work continues at pace.

I have mentioned the two-state solution. We have been advocating that dialogue open up with the Palestinian Authority and continue at pace with the hope we will get statehood. It is very important that Europe is counted in terms of having an association agreement with the Palestinian Authority.

Work needs to progress at that level and obviously, that is so important.

On the multi-annual financial framework and the €50 billion budget, we were at around the 12th negotiating box when we left before Christmas. Obviously, the stumbling block was Hungary. According to my contacts in Brussels, however, there is optimism about progress being made. The last thing Ireland and other European member states want to do is proceed on an intergovernmental basis, whereby administrations would have to reach agreements on their own, particularly with regard to the Ukrainian support package. That said, I believe that the tolerance level in Brussels vis-à-vis Mr. Orban is falling sharply. I have seen that with some of my EU colleagues with whom I have had a number of meetings since Christmas. Hopefully, that will make a difference when we go forward to the European Council meeting.

Deputy Ó Murchú raised the issue of Gaza. I outlined the work the Government is doing. Deputy Mattie McGrath raised the issue of our asylum seeker obligations, which are obligations under the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We are part of the United Nations and that is where our obligations come from in the first instance. It is very important that we live up to those obligations. On Georgia, I have spoken with the Georgian ambassador on a number of occasions in relation to the presentation of individuals from a safe country. Georgia has made huge efforts in this regard and has brought police attachés over to Ireland to work with people coming off the plane and to ensure that the numbers would reduce. The numbers did actually reduce drastically but they have crept up again. We are continuing to do work on that because it is very important that the most vulnerable people coming into our country, those who really need protection, get it. That is what the system is trying to do, as well as to shorten the amount of time we take in processing applications, which will be critical into the future, as will the recently agreed EU asylum and migration pact.

It is also very important to be careful in our use of the term ideology. This is a very complex issue. During the Brexit campaign, voters were told that if they voted for Brexit the number of people coming to the UK to seek asylum would reduce. We all saw the posters that Nigel Farage and other actors put up. What happened? The numbers of people seeking asylum in the UK have increased drastically in the interim. When Italy took a sharp turn to the right we heard that migration was going to be tackled head on and solved but we saw what happened in Lampedusa and the huge migration issues there. This is a very complex problem. People may think that sharp slogans, a change of government or a dynamic shift to the right or the left will address this but governments of all colours, right across the globe, are finding it very difficult to respond to the migration issue. People are being weaponised and the most vulnerable are being targeted. We can see that on the eastern borders of Europe, involving Belarus and Russia. They are using vulnerable people as a weapon and that places huge pressure on society. This is why we have to work to tackle the origins of the issue, the problems in various countries that mean people are bearing the brunt of shockingly horrific conditions. The Government must continue to work on this.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Are there any further questions?

Ruairi Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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I have a follow-up question on whether anything in particular has happened in respect of the EU-Israel association agreement and the humanitarian conditions. Deputy Howlin referenced a framework and working with whomever we can work with in the EU and beyond, but particularly the Arab world. Obviously, we should do that. Are we looking at whether anything can be done with partners out there that comes close to any sort of sanction on Israel? Are we going to make an assessment ourselves of the danger of genocide in Gaza? I still do not understand why we cannot just give vocal support to what South Africa is doing.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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The Minister of State skirted around the question I asked about the specific obligations we have under treaties. I asked him which treaties but he just said international treaties. It is my understanding, in the context of the referenda on the Lisbon treaty, that a specific commitment was given whereby countries like Ireland, Denmark and others could opt out. I also asked if the Government has signed up to an agreement more recently to pay money if we cannot accommodate the people who come here. Furthermore, I asked about the situation with people travelling from Great Britain to Northern Ireland and síos go dtí na Fiche-Sé Chontae, people who are coming down here from the Six Counties. I have met people and I know this is happening. I asked about the checks that are there.

I welcome the Minister of State's answer on Georgia. He said that he had spoken to the Georgians and that they had sent in some of their police. People are being told all of the time, in generality, and the Minister of State said it again here, that we have international obligations. We are an independent, sovereign republic. There are treaties in place, but I want the Minister of State to explain which specific treaties he is referring to and to tell me whether we can, under the opt-out clause in the Lisbon treaty, refuse to take asylum seekers. I am not being anti-Christian here. We just cannot cope at the moment. Communities need to be consulted and engaged with and services need to be put in place to provide supports. People have opened their homes to Ukrainians and others. Roscrea has welcomed people, but enough is enough. Some 85% of international protection applicants in Tipperary are located in the town of Roscrea. Those in the town are being demonised as bad people. That is not fair.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Would the Minister of State like to deal with those questions and then wrap up?

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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First, it is the greatest myth to suggest that we have an opt out because we do not. I will explain this in specific terms. We are working under the 1954 UN Human Rights Charter in the context of our core obligation as a country to provide asylum. The Lisbon treaty is totally separate. Under that treaty, this country has an opt out on justice and home affairs issues or issues of taxation. This means that if a European decision is being taken, Ireland has the option to opt out of that decision under those competencies but it does not in any way negate our international obligations to take in asylum seekers. This is a myth that has been propagated on social media, that Ireland has an opt out but it does not. If we breach our UN obligations, what does that say about us as a country? What does it mean if we breach our human rights obligations, if we are not a compassionate nation, a nation that tries to give shelter to those who need it most, to the most vulnerable in our society? That is the core of being Irish, in my view. As a country, we have sent people right across the globe. When they go to other countries right around the world, Government Ministers are so proud to see so many Irish people and communities working diligently, making their homes in other countries, while being proud to be Irish. We need to be very clear in terms of what Europe can do and where our core responsibility comes from under international agreements.

On Gaza, people were trying to draw comparisons with Ukraine. As I outlined, however, we took time and looked at the evidence. There is a threshold for genocide. What we say here or our opinion on this does not matter. It is the opinion of the court that matters. The court is the arbiter and it will decide. Ireland will do everything it can to ensure that Gaza gets justice and that Israel is held to account. I have said on numerous occasions that what happened in Israel was reprehensible and that the response is totally disproportionate. I absolutely condemn what has happened in Gaza at the hands of Israel. Absolute atrocities are being committed and we have seen that first-hand.

In response to Deputy Howlin, we are working on dialogue with the Arab League. Ireland will be very much to the forefront in that, along with our European colleagues because it is very important, irrespective of what the Prime Minister of Israel has said. Deputy Howlin is quite right to say there are many different strands of opinion within Israel and we have to really work on this. I am very conscious that these Houses have voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state and we have to work towards that. We have to make a move at the right time to bring a critical mass in Europe along with us to try to deliver that.

Ruairi Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Ceann Comhairle-----

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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Shall I continue, a Cheann Comhairle?

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Sorry, briefly-----

Ruairi Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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This will take ten seconds. The issue possibly came up in the context of Sellafield, including in the context of infrastructure, leaks and information that has been in the public domain for probably the past month or so. Has it been addressed?

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I am not aware that it arose at the last meeting.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Jim Fitzsimons, the former MEP, was a great man on Sellafield for many years. The Minister of State would have known him.

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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Very good. I again acknowledge the Deputies and all the work they have done in their well-informed contributions. To again address the issue of the Middle East, the European response has unfortunately not been as unified as we hoped. As I pointed out, there is urgency in finding common ground on which to engage with our global partners. It is clear that the majority of member states are demanding an immediate ceasefire, while all member states are calling for the immediate release of hostages and the alleviation of the humanitarian situation in Gaza. We must use our collective wit to ensure that there is an immediate humanitarian ceasefire and a significant scaling up of humanitarian access and supplies to get vital aid to civilians.

Turning to enlargement, at its meeting in December the European Council decided to open accession negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova and to grant candidate status to Georgia. It also signalled that it would open accession negotiations with Bosnia and Herzegovina once the necessary degree of compliance with membership criteria has been met. There were also historic decisions based on the Commission's recommendations. These were the right decisions in light of the geopolitical circumstances and the need to keep candidate countries on a clear EU path. The Commission will provide further a report in March, which it is hoped will facilitate additional steps. Ireland has long supported a merit-based enlargement process and the Commission's 2023 enlargement package highlighted the work that is going on across candidate countries to ready themselves for EU membership. Montenegro, Serbia and North Macedonia continue to be the countries most prepared for EU membership, although the rate of progress and reforms in 2023 was greatest in Ukraine, Moldova and Albania.

It is vital that candidate countries seize the current momentum on enlargement by making rapid and meaningful progress on accession reforms. It is also important that aspiring members of the EU fully align with its common foreign and security policy, especially when it comes to the EU response to Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine. This is very important to demonstrate these countries' commitment to EU values. This was the message the Taoiseach emphasised with his partners during his recent visit to Kosovo, Montenegro and North Macedonia. Montenegro is deservedly the front-runner among candidate countries, and the priority its new government is placing on advancing EU reforms is notable. The new growth plan for the western Balkans, which the Commission has also presented as part of the 2023 enlargement package, is a good demonstration of the EU's commitment to the western Balkans region and an important tool to harmonise economic incentives right across candidate countries. In exchange, candidate countries are expected to deliver meaningful and irreversible reforms. Demonstrating that the EU is serious about enlargement, it is equally important that it is spurring on candidate countries to accelerate reforms.

The EU and its member states need to be clear in our approach and our messaging about the preparations we are making for an enlarged union. That is an important conversation which will be taken forward in the period ahead. The vast majority of citizens across our countries aspire to join our union and they look to Ireland in particular, as it is a small member state that has been transformed by the benefits of European Union membership.

The war in Ukraine and wider global instability have led to a renewed focus at EU level on issues relating to security and defence. At the December meeting of the European Council, we reviewed progress in a number of areas, in particular around procurement and related efforts to replenish member state stocks in light of the support provided to Ukraine. The European Council has also discussed EU progress on tackling new and emerging threats, notably in countering cyber and hybrid threats and addressing foreign information manipulation and interference. The areas of focus, which the European Council conclusions reflect, include our need to work together with EU partners and at national level to deal with the security threats we face. As ever, any steps taken at EU level will be fully respectful of the specific charters and security and defence policies of member states, such as Ireland.

Leaders restated their commitment to: pursuing a comprehensive approach to migration, which includes mutually beneficial comprehensive partnerships with countries of origin and transit; addressing the root causes of migration; providing opportunities for legal migration; more effective protection of our external borders; and resolutely fighting organised crime, human trafficking and smuggling. Leaders strongly condemned all hybrid attacks, including the instrumentalisation of migrants by third countries for political purposes, stating that the EU would not accept the ongoing hybrid attacks on its external borders launched by Russia and Belarus. On the internal dimension of migration, member states and the European Parliament have reached a provisional agreement on the new pact on migration and asylum that will provide for clear-cut rules to receive and relocate asylum seekers. Migration is a regular discussion point at European Council meetings. Leaders will return to the matter at the next meeting.

I again thank Deputies for their participation. I look forward to future debates in the House.