Séamus Healy (Tipperary South, Independent)

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

notes that:

— a housing emergency exists in the State; and

— housing is a human right as enshrined in Article 25 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights;

further notes that:

— 15,286 homeless people, including 4,603 children, were in emergency accommodation in January 2025;

— the typical listed house price across the country is €346,080, 11.6 per cent higher than a year ago and 35 per cent higher than at the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic, and the Dublin figure is €460,726, up 12.2 per cent on last year;

— the number of second-hand houses available to buy at 9,300 is 17 per cent lower year-on-year, and the lowest recorded since January 2007;

— average rent nationally is €1,956, 43 per cent higher than before the Covid-19 pandemic, and in Dublin the figure is as high as €2,722;

— on 1st February, 2025, fewer than 2,300 homes were available to rent, down 25 per cent on one year previously, and this compares to approximately 20,000 short-term lets on Airbnb at the same time;

— 143,824 households are on social housing waiting lists, Housing Assistance Payments (HAP) and rent supplements;

— payments of €3.3 billion were made between 2019 and 2025, to landlords in respect of HAPs;

— there was a failure to meet housing completion targets for 2024, down 6.7 per cent on 2023;

— research by The Housing Commission shows a potential requirement of 81,000 new homes per year to 2050, dependent on population and household size;

— between 2012 and 2022, the share of young adults living in their childhood bedroom in Ireland rose by 21 per cent, to reach 59 per cent; and

— a large cohort of families are locked out of home ownership, due to earning in excess of the low local authority housing limit, but not enough to secure a mortgage;

furthermore, notes that The Housing Commission:

— estimates a housing deficit of 235,000 dwellings;

— asserts that "only a radical strategic reset of housing policy will work"; and

— further asserts that "it is critical that this housing deficit is addressed through emergency action";

further again, notes that Bunreacht na hÉireann – the Irish Constitution, provides for such emergency action in Article 43.2.2° - Private Property, stating that "The State, accordingly, may as occasion requires delimit by law the exercise of the said rights with a view to reconciling their exercise with the exigencies of the common good."; and

calls on the Government to:

— enact in law a "Housing Emergency Measures in the Public Interest" Act, declaring a housing emergency; and

— include the following provisions in the Act:

— the emergency will continue for five years after the passing into law of the Act, and at the expiry of this period the Government will bring a review before both Houses of the Oireachtas;

— create a state housing infrastructure investment fund/bond to unlock the €160 billion in Irish household savings to invest in social, affordable and cost rental housing;

— no further increases in rent during the period of the housing emergency;

— regulate short-term lets, by publishing and advancing the Short Term Letting and Tourism Bill without delay;

— fund local authorities and Approved Housing Bodies (AHBs) to implement a tenant in-situ scheme, with a minimum purchase target of 2,500 homes per year;

— ban institutional purchase of houses and apartments, other than by local authorities and AHBs;

— significantly fund local authorities to purchase, by agreement or by compulsory purchase, vacant properties, for repair and letting to approved housing applicants;

— implement the recommendations of the Report of the Committee on the Price of Building Land, the "Kenny Report";

— institute a 100 per cent redress scheme for all those affected by defective concrete products, and apartment and duplex defects, and ensure the Government follows the scientific data in this area; and

— a massive construction programme of social and affordable housing on public land.

A housing emergency exists in this State and every TD in this Dáil, whether in government or in opposition, knows that well because every day they are contacted by families who are homeless, threatened with homelessness or facing homelessness in one way or another and they can do little or nothing about it. There are huge frustrations among TDs about this. Housing is human right and thousands of families are being denied that right by this Government. They are being denied a roof over their heads. The evidence for that is all-pervasive. It is everywhere to be seen. For instance, currently more than 15,000 people are homeless in emergency accommodation, including 4,603 children. House prices have risen in the past year on average by 11.6% and by 12.2% in Dublin. The cost of a second-hand house has also increased and the number of second-hand houses available to buy is 17% lower year-on-year. Average rent nationally is exorbitant at €1,956 per month and it is even higher than that in Dublin where it is at €2,722.

Between housing assistance payments, HAP, housing waiting lists, local authority waiting lists, rent supplement and so on, approximately 140,000 families are on waiting lists. We pay approximately €500 million per year to landlords. That is €3.3 billion since 2019. There is the failure to meet housing targets. Last year, that figure was down by 6.7% on the 2023 figure and between 2012 and 2022 the number of young adults living in their childhood bedrooms increased by 21% to 59%. A huge cohort of families is completely locked out of the housing market. Their income is slightly higher than the local authority income limit for the housing waiting list but is not enough for a mortgage. This is the independent evidence that there is a serious problem, indeed an emergency in housing. That independent evidence has been confirmed by the Government's Housing Commission report published last July, which states there was a deficit of 235,000 dwellings and asserted that only a radical strategic reset of housing policy will work. Interestingly, it goes on to say that it is critical that this housing deficit be addressed through emergency action. Emergency action is available. It is provided for in Article 43.2 of Bunreacht na hÉireann. That emergency action has a precedent. It is called financial emergency measures in the public interest, FEMPI, and was in place in the years 2011 to 2016.

Emergency action is available, has a precedent and is provided for in Bunreacht na hÉireann, so what would it look like? It would mean a declaration in law of a housing emergency. The provisions would include - this list is not exhaustive - for instance, the creation of a government infrastructure investment fund or bond to unlock some of the huge personal savings available.

There is approximately €160 billion in household savings and that would allow huge funds to commence a massive programme of construction of social, affordable and cost-rental homes.

Emergency action would also mean no further rent increases for the duration of the emergency. It would mean a ban on no-fault evictions because evictions are the primary driver for homelessness. It would mean that there would be regulation of short-term lets. It would mean a huge expansion of the tenant in situ scheme for local authorities and approved housing bodies.

The latest tenant in situ scheme, announced and notified to local authorities on Monday, is particularly restrictive. It will reduce the number of houses purchased by local authorities and it will drive further families into homelessness. That scheme needs to be significantly increased and a significant target of homes needs to be purchased under that scheme. Local authorities also need to be significantly funded to purchase, either by agreement or by compulsory purchase, vacant houses for repair and letting to approved applicants.

Crucially, we need finally the implementation of the Kenny report on the price of building land. I recall, way back in the early 1970s, as a young clerical officer in then South Tipperary County Council, where all the county managers of the day were enthused by this report and saw it as a significant effort in dealing with the cost of building land. That report needs to be implemented urgently.

There are other issues, including the question of 100% redress for those affected by defective concrete products and apartment and duplex defects. I believe that a declaration of a housing emergency in law would mean that the emergency that we undoubtedly have could be tackled on an emergency basis. I believe that every Deputy knows that emergency action is, in fact, the only way in which this housing crisis can even begin to be dealt with. I ask all TDs, and particularly Government backbenchers, who deal with this issue on a daily basis and who know the frustration caused and the effects homelessness and the insecurity of tenure has on families and individuals, to support this motion. It is, in my view and, I think, in the view of quite a substantial number of people inside and outside this Dáil that this is the only action that will make a start to the solution of this difficult problem that is undermining the very fabric of society. I commend the motion to the House.

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