Thomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent) | Oireachtas source

I am not sure what the purpose of budget day and these budget speeches is anymore. We all know exactly what is going to be in this document before we get in here and having to engage with this whole process is a bit of a sham really. This budget has failed many people who are struggling to make ends meet. This is very clearly a budget for energy companies, oil companies and landlords. It is budget to facilitate the greed and eye-watering profits of those who are making money off a crisis that is crippling hundreds of thousands of our constituents.

This is not a budget for our fishing communities, who have taken a huge hit this year, or for families affected by defective blocks. This is not a budget for those living in direct provision, for Travellers, farmers, small business owners, carers, foster carers, nurses, SNAs and teachers, our young people or those who live in rural Ireland.

We seriously need to implement a new model of childcare. The benefits of an updated, public, family-centric model of childcare cannot be understated. We need to move towards a free universal system such as the one in Finland. In the interim, we need a phased approach like the highly successful Norwegian model that would see caps on fees at low, affordable rates, with State subsidies. That would ensure decent wages and other conditions for staff and greater affordability for families.

Ireland ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, UNCRPD, in 2018 and it is vital that all budgetary measures are in line with the State’s obligations under the convention. This means moving away from systems that segregate and marginalise disabled people and move towards inclusive policy. On average, EU countries spend 2% of GDP on social protection expenditure for disability. Ireland’s expenditure is just 0.8%, which is the second lowest in the EU. All Departments should ensure engagement with disabled persons organisations, DPOs, on disability equality budgeting and policy. We need to increase funding and access to disability equality training led by DPOs such as Independent Living Movement Ireland, ILMI, in co-operation with local structures. A recent ESRI report noted that disabled people are disproportionately impacted by poverty at a rate of 19.2%. That is almost five times greater than the national average, which is just 4%. A equity payment must be introduced, as the actual costs faced by individuals with disabilities range from €9,600 to €12,300. One-off payments simply are not good enough. Maybe they have broken the dam, from the Government’s perspective, and it will not be afraid of doing a one-off payment in the future. That might be the only benefit from doing. Currently, there is no legal right to a personal assistance service in Ireland. That must change with a minimum investment of at least €20 million. Quality of life and a human-rights-based approach must be our priority. The income thresholds and means tests need to be reviewed urgently for social housing and housing adaptations.

We need to invest in an accessible transport system with direct consultation with DPOs. Mobility grants need to be reinstated and the disabled driver and passenger scheme and tax relief scheme criteria is in urgent need of review. People are currently excluded on the basis of their impairment. Accessing, retaining and progressing in employment is a challenge for disabled people. A recent ESRI report found that Ireland has the fourth lowest employment rates in the EU for people with disabilities, at just 36%. This shows that we are failing disabled people all the time.

We need to move away from housing being seen as an asset or a commodity. Housing is a basic human right and should be treated as such. The Government should borrow now for capital investment in a nationalised housing body that would allow us to create a State-owned construction sector that would generate apprenticeships, trades and jobs that would in turn focus on building social housing and cost rental homes. It is also not enough to throw a number at the provision of Traveller accommodation since councils have failed time and again to draw down these funds. This should have been addressed in this budget.

The €500 tax credit for renters that this Government is introducing will simply end up in the pockets of landlords who will hike up rents. A more meaningful gesture would be to freeze rents and introduce an eviction ban. We need to ensure that there are actually houses available to rent, too. It is not enough to increase the vacant home tax. That will only further incentivise landlords to let their properties on Airbnb. We need a 50% tax on Airbnb and subsidies for long-term rentals going forward. That is the only way that we can address the crisis.

I was in contact with one business owner in my home town of Killybegs whose energy bill alone will be an additional €160,000 for the year. Look at how SSE Airtricity has been allowed to gain pre-tax profits of more than €1.1 billion, while continuing to increase electricity prices by 35% and gas by 39% for struggling households. This is grotesque and immoral, It needs to end now. A windfall tax does nothing but soften the blow of these constant energy hikes, while keeping energy companies happy with their profits. If ever there was a time to renationalise an industry, it is now. By taking it back into public ownership, the profit motive will be gone and we will have the ability to implement price freezes. We should not have to rely on private companies to treat our citizens fairly, and we certainly should not naively expect them to prioritise and invest in renewable energy. Their profits are their priority, not our carbon targets and not the climate in general. We can see how this is problematic in the case of Shell. It recently pulled out from investing in a major offshore project, thereby leaving it in jeopardy. We urgently need a State-owned company that prioritises Irish targets and goals. Our energy future is far too important to be left to corporate greed and companies whose goal is to take, take, take at the expense of ordinary people.

While the Government has recognised that the solution is to move away from imports and invest in renewables, it has not outlined how we should achieve this. This budget should have seen this energy crisis as an opportunity to move away from a reliance on foreign investment and fossil fuels. Instead of using this opportunity to take the power away from profit-hungry companies, the Government has decided to subsidise them. That is what it is doing by giving out these energy credits: it is facilitating them. It is putting the money straight into the pockets of energy companies. We are the ones paying for their profits. Why would they ever reduce prices when they know that the Government is, not only going to let them keep increasing prices, but will actually paying them when they do it? It is absolutely crazy and we are treating it like a win. It is not just for the people who need it, but for people like ourselves in this House who clearly do not. How can we here, with our incomes, justify getting the same reduction to our energy bills as households that are genuinely struggling? It is an absolute disgrace.

That is the biggest problem with the Government. It is willing to pump money into private companies in order to provide a quick fix, rather than addressing the actual core issues and making the structural change that is needed in this country. Without this change, we will only continue to push up the already high emigration rates that we are seeing amongst our young people. An inaugural OECD study on trust in government was published some weeks ago. It reported that, in the bracket of 18- to 29-year-olds, only Colombia scored worse than Ireland in the context of trust in government. That is a sad indictment of this House. It speaks volumes. It is a scathing indictment of Government mismanagement, disconnect and short-sightedness.

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