Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I have received apologies from Deputy Cathal Berry and Senator Joe O'Reilly. Deputy Marc Ó Cathasaigh from the Green Party joins us to represent his party instead of Deputy Brian Leddin. Deputy Ó Cathasaigh is very welcome.

This afternoon we will engage with representatives of Dóchas to discuss its pre-budget submission and the global food crisis, with particular focus on the Horn of Africa and the west Africa area. We welcome Ms Jane Ann McKenna, CEO of Dóchas, to our committee room and Ms Assalama Sidi, regional director from West Africa who, I hope, is joining us from Niger via Microsoft Teams. She is very welcome and we will see her on our screens. I also welcome Mr. Colm Byrne, humanitarian manager of Oxfam Ireland; Mr. Paul O'Brien, CEO of Plan International Ireland; and Ms Mary Van Lieshout, deputy CEO of Goal, who is no stranger to our committee. I thank all the witnesses for representing their organisations this afternoon. They will discuss their work in response to what is regrettably once again a global food crisis.

The format of the meeting will be in the usual manner. We will hear opening statements which will be followed by a discussion and questions and answers with members of the committee. I ask members to be concise and direct in their questions to allow everybody an opportunity to participate. Hopefully, we will have an opportunity for a second round should members so desire.

Witnesses and members are reminded of the long-standing parliamentary practice that they should not criticise or make charges against a person or entity by name or in such a way as to make him, her or it in any way identifiable, or otherwise engage in speech that might be regarded as in any way damaging to the good name of that person or entity. Therefore, if any statements are potentially defamatory in relation to an identifiable person, witnesses will be directed to discontinue their remarks and it is imperative that they comply with any such direction. Needless to say it is not expected that any such direction will be warranted.

For witnesses attending remotely from outside the Leinster House complex, there are some limitations to parliamentary privilege and, as such, they may not benefit from the same level of immunity from legal proceedings as a witness who is physically present within the Leinster House complex does. I remind members they are only allowed to participate if they are physically located on the Leinster House complex.

I am pleased to call on Ms Jane Ann McKenna to make her opening statement, followed by Ms Assalama Sidi whose opening statement will provide us with immediate context on what is currently happening in west Africa.

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

I thank the Chairman and the committee members for the invitation to meet today to discuss the issues raised in the Dóchas 2023 pre-budget submission. Over the last few months, the committee has heard from me, Dóchas members and their partners about the war in Ukraine, the humanitarian crisis affecting people in the region, and the impact on global food prices, which is particularly affecting those in low-income countries. The disruption to food, fuel and fertiliser markets has exacerbated an existing food crisis in the Horn of Africa and in west Africa, which has been driven by conflict, climate shocks and economic pressures. I am joined today in person by Mr. Paul O’Brien, CEO of Plan International Ireland, Ms Mary Van Lieshout, deputy CEO of Goal, Mr. Colm Byrne, humanitarian manager with Oxfam Ireland, and virtually by Oxfam’s regional director for west Africa, Ms Assalama Sidi.

Before I hand over to my colleagues, let me give an overview of why this year’s pre-budget submission and our engagement with the committee today is crucial. Last week Dóchas members held a briefing to sound the alarm on famine in the Horn of Africa. We were heartened to see many Oireachtas colleagues present and engaged. The figures are stark. Some 23 million people are at risk of severe hunger; 350,000 children are at risk of death in the coming months in Somalia alone; and one person dies from hunger every 48 seconds. Equally horrifying is the fact that up to 38 million people are at risk of hunger in West Africa and I am very grateful Ms Sidi can join us today to talk though what is happening in that region.

It is incomprehensible in 2022 that we are in a situation where the risk of famine is a reality for hundreds and thousands of people, especially children. However, the deadly combination of climate change, conflict and the economic impact of Covid-19 has left lives hanging in the balance. The situation is not just affecting those living in traditionally arid landscapes or those in conflict affected communities. Its reach is much greater and far wider. I was briefed by one of our members, Brighter Communities Worldwide, in Kenya last week. Everywhere they work, they are seeing people moving closer and closer to food insecurity daily as a result of fields that were not sown due to the cost of inputs; irregular rains, so the growth is not there; and then rising prices. The price of flour in Kenya has almost trebled in six months and this is not sustainable.

There is action that can be taken however. As a rich nation, Ireland can lead by example both internationally and domestically. As will be illustrated in our submission, our overseas aid programme is not keeping pace with the need or indeed the targets Ireland has committed to. To this end, Dóchas is recommending incremental targets to 0.7% from 2023 to 2030. Increasing Ireland’s investment in overseas development assistance, ODA, in 2023 to meet 0.37% of GNI would put the country on track towards 0.7% and move Ireland into the top ten donors of the OECD development assistance committee, DAC.

We recognise the pressure on budget 2023 and on the Irish people given the impact of the global food crisis, rising inflation and the subsequent cost of living increases. However, we urge that Ireland shows support and solidarity to those in crisis-affected communities, through our commitment to and delivery of overseas development assistance. Research has show that 77% of Irish people believe ODA is vitally important and is a way for Ireland to clearly demonstrate its global solidarity, shared humanity and respect for human rights. It is imperative that we acts urgently on four key areas. These are hunger, climate, conflict and Covid-19. Increasing our investment in these key areas allows Ireland to leverage its knowledge, influence, reputation and expertise on a global stage and to tackle structural and root causes through very practical action.

We are asking the committee members, and all Oireachtas Members, to support our call to action and the recommendations set out in the Dóchas pre-budget submission. We recommend scaling up our ODA investment in 2023 and beyond to meet the commitment to spending 0.7% of GNI on ODA by 2030. We ask that we ensure we release flexible multi-year funding to meet the current humanitarian appeals for the Horn of Africa and west Africa regions. We ask that we advocate at the UN Security Council for accountability for those who seek to use starvation as a weapon of war. We ask that we support the scale up of investment in social protection programmes and sustainable livelihoods to protect and strengthen hard-won development gains. We ask that we act to protect World Food Programme supply chains and that we do more to lower CO2 emissions and to support climate adaptation measures. We need political action and we need leadership. Every day of delay exacerbates human suffering, increases the scale of the crisis we are seeing and raises the cost of the response.

I will now hand over to Oxfam’s regional director for west Africa, Ms Assalama Sidi, after which I and my colleagues will welcome committee members' input and any questions they may have.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank Ms McKenna.

I welcome Ms Sidi. I now give her the floor.

Ms Assalama Sidi:

I thank the Chairman. It is a real honour and opportunity for Oxfam to be before such an audience and to speak about west Africa and the food crisis that is happening right now.

In west Africa, 27 million people were suffering from hunger already in April. The likelihood of this number growing to 38 million is high if nothing is done. While we are seeing support here and there, we are afraid that target will be met and I will develop on that point.

This crisis is actually an historic high in terms of increase. It is an increase of 40% from June to August 2021 - that is a year. Between 2015 and 2020, the number of people in need of emergency food assistance nearly quadrupled from 7 million to 27 million. Right now, 6.3 million children under five are acutely malnourished. That is an increase of 28% from last year.

In west Africa, especially in countries where we are observing conflicts of differing natures, communities are abandoning their agricultural land. This is not only due to conflicts but also due to droughts and flooding. Of course, climate change is behind the droughts and the recurring flooding that we are seeing in west Africa. As the committee members all will be aware, west Africa is not part of the world which is polluting but it is being crucially hit by climate change effects from pollution.

Some 61 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance and protection in west Africa in 2022. Unfortunately, in the case of any type of humanitarian crisis, girls and women suffer the most. We witness all types of gender violence. In the Sahel, as food becomes scarce and conflict persists, more girls are forced into early marriage and, of course, are victims of all types of violence, including sexual abuse.

It is important to share some of the underlying root causes of this crisis and the structural factors of the food crisis. Earlier I mentioned climate change. Climate change is threatening already fragile livelihoods and will continue to negatively impact the food system. All west African countries are countries with a high level of vulnerability to climate change but, of course, unfortunately, a low level of readiness. Under a business-as-usual scenario worldwide, climate change is projected to be higher in west Africa than the global mean with a rise in average temperatures of 3°C to 6°C by 2101. The Sahel is the most likely to experience the largest changes with an increase of extreme weather events and the depletion of water.

In addition to climate change, any time we watch media we see the conflicts in the Sahel, in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. Protracted conflicts and displacement is a vulnerability multiplier for the food and nutrition crisis in central and Sahel Africa. Violent conflicts continue to limit humanitarian space while increasing the number of displaced persons in the region and the negative impact of conflict dynamics on the protection of civilians and on their access to infrastructure that is critical for their survival and well-being, including humanitarian assistance, cannot be overstated. We, as humanitarian actors, have difficulties accessing those people in need and providing them with the assistance that they require.

Other aggravating factors include cereal production. This year, in Sahel, it has been declining steadily. For instance, in Niger, where I am currently based, the production has decreased by approximately 36% from last year. This, of course, makes food stock run out very fast and the hunger season starting very early. Normally, in this region, the hunger season starts in May or June but this year in October and November we already saw people suffering and leaving because of the food crisis.

Of course, there is also the residual effect of Covid-19. While west Africa did not suffer from this pandemic as the other parts of the world, it is important to remember that with a global world, any difficulties in trade in one part of the continent could affect all the others. West Africa has been suffering from the residual crisis of Covid-19 because of the high importation of goods from countries, such as China and European countries.

Another important factor is the crisis in Ukraine. The crisis in Ukraine is likely to make the situation dangerously worse. We are seeing commodity prices increasing already and the trend is worrying for us. The price may cause a decrease in wheat availability for six countries. Six of the west African countries rely on Ukraine and Russia for wheat importation. They import 30% to 50% of their wheat from Russia and Ukraine. One of the most concerning aspects is that many donors have already indicated that they may cut funding to Africa to finance the reception of refugees in Europe. We have seen cases of countries in Europe which have taken such a grave commitment.

The asks would not be different from what my Dóchas colleague says. Donors are slow to disburse the urgently needed funds for a timely response. More than two months after the EU high-level conference to address the food and nutrition crisis in the Sahel, the average funding for the UN humanitarian response plan is below 20%. For instance, for countries such as Burkina Faso, it is 15%. For Chad, it is 16%. For Mali, it is 11%. Oxfam urgently needs €35.6 million to support 1.1 million during the three months of the rainy season in west Africa. Without timely long-term assistance, the vulnerable population will be forced to take negative action that especially affects girls, such as early marriage and dropping out of school, and, of course, impoverishing families. Donors need to ensure their response to the Ukrainian conflict is funded by additional funds that do not jeopardise funding for other, less visible crises such as the one happening in west Africa. Other countries, such as Norway, have already committed to do this. Of course, we must continue to address the growing humanitarian needs while investing in the root causes of the inequality, poverty and poor governance. I will stop here.

I thank the committee for this opportunity. It is a great honour to speak about west Africa because for weeks and months, west Africa was not really on the radar.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank Ms Sidi. Ms McKenna, is the best way to conduct our business for me to revert to members of the committee at this stage or would Mr. O'Brien, Mr. Byrne or Ms Van Lieshout like to make a brief contribution?

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

I think we can open the floor to questions and comments and then we can add based on some of the comments of members.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

If we keep the questions, submissions and observations short, it will allow for a greater level of engagement with Mr. O'Brien, Mr. Byrne and Ms Van Lieshout. I call Deputy Brady or Deputy Clarke - whichever would like to kick off.

John Brady (Wicklow, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank Ms McKenna and Ms Sidi and our other guests before the committee here this afternoon. They highlight a stark and real crisis that, unfortunately, is not unfolding; it is happening before our eyes. The call has to go out again that the world must act. We have no option.

I refer to the four key areas that Ireland needs to act on. There is an onus on the world to act. I reiterate the four are hunger, climate, conflict and Covid. Coming out of our last major crisis here in this country which was Covid, the vaccine inequality is real and still hard hitting.

I heard of the experience in west Africa but that is not a shared experience. Covid may not have hit as badly in west Africa as elsewhere but it is still a major challenge. I reiterate my call for vaccine equity right across the developing world.

I will not go through all of the points because I agree with everything the witnesses have outlined. I also have some specific questions. I agree that the onset of the brutal and barbaric war in Ukraine has had an impact, obviously in Ukraine but also right across the globe. Starvation should not be used in any circumstance as a weapon of war. Unfortunately, we are seeing this with more than 22 million tonnes of grain locked and held hostage in this game of chess being played out by Putin. It is absolutely grotesque.

We also had gross underfunding of the World Food Programme before the onset of the Covid pandemic. Many projects are being cut in Ethiopia, Kenya, South Sudan, Uganda, and down through Mali, Mozambique, the Republic of Congo, Tanzania and Zimbabwe. The list is endless. Reference was made to some other projects that are also being cut in Yemen. There is a crisis in funding for food programmes. I fear the situation in Ukraine will be used by donors to divert funding elsewhere, in all probability to buy weapons of war. That is understandable given the brutal conflict in Ukraine, but I appeal to nations to provide additional funding. Critical programmes such as this should not be cut.

I would like to get some comments on a broader issue. We heard some commentary about not cutting critical funding. Will our guests comment on the needs the challenges around funding that has been cut in other programmes? Will they also touch on the situation with Covid and the need for vaccine equity, including the impact this issue is having? I agree with all of the witnesses' asks, none of which I will challenge. I thank them very much for attending.

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

I thank Deputy Brady. I will defer to my colleague Mr. Byrne on the impact of the funding cuts. One of the effects we are seeing is with the suppliers to the World Food Programme. The ration portions are getting smaller and what is being distributed is getting smaller. It is getting more expensive to give the same amount of food. This is directly impacting people on the ground.

Mr. Colm Byrne:

I acknowledge Deputy Brady's support for the Overseas Development Institute, ODI. It is a very important expression of support for us as a group, for the NGO community at large and for our partners on the ground.

More broadly, on the question of funding, I will just put the issue in very practical terms. As the supply goes down, the price of food goes up, and as the price of food goes up, households are simply unable to meet their basic food requirements. It is a very simple economic equation. As the Deputy has rightly described, the problem right now is a perfect storm. We have disruption of food production at the global level, a global climate crisis and the very localised experience of communities which have an immediate lack of access to water and the basic means of survival.

I want to put this into perspective. This is a political choice. We have had plenty of warnings about this food crisis. It is a perfect storm and it has certainly been accentuated by the conflict in Ukraine, but we have had plenty of warnings. This is the fifth failed rainy season in east Africa and west Africa. Last year, the number of people in need and in acute crisis was estimated to be 10 million. This year, the figure has more than doubled to 23 million people. It has doubled because we failed to act early. The statistics we have suggest - and we feel very confident in this - that if we respond early, we rapidly reduce the cost of humanitarian response.

I do not want to get too caught up in the numbers. It is not just about reducing the cost of the humanitarian response. Our estimates suggest that every €1 invested in preventing a crisis saves €3 in launching a humanitarian response. We all agree that prevention is better than cure. Humanitarian aid is a Band-Aid. It is hugely expensive and it does not address the root causes of the problem. When we delay in responding to the problem, it gets bigger and when the problem gets bigger there is more conflict over resources. When there is more conflict over resources there is more population displacement. With more population displacement, there are more people in need, and on and on we go in this downward spiral of really negative experience. It is not just at a country or regional level; it goes right down to the individual household level.

The one thing I would really like to highlight is that every €1 we spend in prevention prevents €3 needed for the cure. This is at a time when we have never been more concerned about financial prudence. The opportunity is there. There is a political will that if we release funding early, we can prevent this crisis. When we come here, we are often asked whether we have any good news. Currently, the answer is "Not now", but the opportunity is to create good news and make good news. We talk about a three C's of Covid, climate and conflict. I would add a fourth C, complacency. We will not be forgiven if we delay any further. We will not be forgiven by our communities and the partners we work with if we make more excuses to divert overseas aid for other purposes, particularly for domestic needs in the European environment. I must underline that we have an opportunity to correct what is already a great injustice and a great wrong.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Deputy Ó Cathasaigh has indicated that he must leave the meeting, so we will allow him to speak after Deputy Cowen, before returning to the witnesses.

Barry Cowen (Laois-Offaly, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank the Chairman. My contribution is not so much have a question but an acknowledgement of the witnesses' presence and the detail they have given to the committee, including the stark detail on hunger, climate, conflict and Covid. The witnesses are making a pitch to the Government to respond, insofar as it can, in the ongoing budgetary process, which is eagerly awaited on many fronts, not least with the demands on the Exchequer to meet the response that is necessary as a result of Covid and war and the impact of war on the cost of living. Thankfully, we have never failed in our duty and responsibility in the area of overseas aid, from many difficult times through to the even more difficult times we currently face. As my colleague from Sinn Féin, Deputy Brady, noted, there is an onus of responsibility not just on us but also on the wider European Union and the world's powers to respond accordingly.

I hear and acknowledge what the witnesses have said. I hope we can impress that on those in power who have a duty to help those worse off than ourselves. Although we may also be impacted presently, as many of our people believe, it is never on the scale that has been relayed to us by our guests today. We will do our best to impress upon our colleagues who have that duty, responsibility and privilege the need to look favourably on some of the recommendations the witnesses have made and insist that our representatives on the UN Security Council ensure they highlight these issues with those who are a lot more powerful than us. We need to ensure the complacency Mr. Byrne referred to is arrested and a genuine effort is made by those who have the capacity to respond to do so.

Marc Ó Cathasaigh (Waterford, Green Party)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank the Chairman on the double: first, for allowing me to be here at all; and, second, for allowing me to contribute far earlier than I could reasonably have expected. I hope to be speaking in the Dáil on some of these issues during the pre-European Council statements shortly. As a result, I apologise if I have to leave straight away after receiving the witnesses' answers.

I very often try to understand these matters through the prism of the strategic development goals because they comprise a multifaceted, cross-departmental way of understanding them. It was said that, owing to Covid, we lost ten years of progress on the sustainable development goals. I wonder how much more we are losing due to the conflict in Ukraine. The goals that jump out are goal 1, which is to have no poverty. How quickly we are travelling backwards on this. Goal 2 is to have zero hunger. Goal 5 relates to gender equality. As Ms Sidi said, it is always women and girls who suffer most in conflicts.

I will try to be reasonably brief. I will outline two concerns I have and then ask three questions. The two concerns were outlined by previous speakers. There is genuine concern that our overseas development aid expenditure will be directed towards our Ukrainian response. A very clear message has to go out, including in our pre-budget preparations, that we must retain a significant proportion of our overseas development aid for the work in the least-developed countries. We can be rightly proud of this work in Ireland. My second concern is that an emergency response is absolutely required in the Horn of Africa. I fully accept Mr. Byrne's comment that if we spend early, we will spend less. We are at a point where an emergency response is absolutely necessitated, but we have to make sure that does not undercut our long-term response, of which Ireland can be rightly proud in terms of its overseas development aid expenditure. We cannot afford to lose that type of progress because, in the longer term, we need to build capacity in our partner countries, particularly on social protection measures and aspects of gender.

My three questions may not relate 100% to our own budget preparations. One of the great failures of COP26 was loss and damage. Ahead of COP27, which will happen on the African continent, what moves would the delegates like to see emanating from the Irish State to prepare the ground for something significant and meaningful regarding a loss-and-damage facility? My second question is related. Where can we make progress on climate finance? I am not just talking about leveraging our own overseas development aid but also about building a climate finance facility that will be fit for purpose to do the job. Third, how can we leverage the UN Security Council seat? I am acutely aware that we hold the pen on the conflict and hunger file. Has there ever been a time when that has been more pertinent and important?

I have a fourth question. I have talked a little about gender. There must be an emergency response. That is probably a blanket response. Is there anything specific we should be doing in respect of gender to tackle what we see unfolding in the least developed countries? I thank the Chairman again for allowing me to put these questions.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank the Deputy. We will take Deputy Clarke in this slot and then return to the panel. We will then hear from Senator Ardagh.

Sorca Clarke (Longford-Westmeath, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

We bandy the word "crisis" about far too often, but this is beyond a crisis. Much to our shame, we are having an impact on what other people are living with. Our actions are having a very real and tangible impact on other people's ability to simply stay alive. The disproportionate impact of climate change, whether it involves conflict, drought, flooding or the need for humanitarian aid, needs to be called out. It needs to be carried out in area 4 If possible. Ultimately, the potential global impact is much greater than what most people realise. Our actions and other people's suffering have potential on a global scale, and the response needs to be global.

Deputy John Brady mentioned a very good example of where the global response failed, and that was in respect of access to vaccines when required. We must not allow that again. Mr. Byrne mentioned simple economics earlier. Another simple economic fact is that one cannot do more with less; it is just not possible. One may stand still for a period but certainly will not be able to do more. More needs to be done.

I have a specific question for Ms Sidi. I may have misheard her when she referred to a hunger season. I would like her to correct me if I picked her up incorrectly. We have four seasons in our world. Have we now got to the point where hunger lasts for a season as an everyday eventuality in people's lives? Seasons last for three months. Is this issue planned for?

The question I have is in some ways rather simple but it is important to ask it. There has been talk of the UN Security Council. Last April, there was the on-boarding session that Ireland hosted at the Security Council to develop a greater understanding of conflict and hunger. It is important to do that work but understanding an issue and taking action to address it are very different. From an Irish perspective, I see a need for us to act immediately to address the problem facing us. Also, we have a very important role in prevention and long-term intervention. Regarding the response to the threat multipliers, irrespective of whether they relate to nutrition, hunger or security, is there a greater or new role emerging for Ireland in addition to the existing one and the aid already made available? How do we harness the knowledge and influence we have to meet the new and emerging needs?

The delegation was absolutely correct to call out the disproportionate impact on women and children. Very often, they are the first to be impacted upon, but they are also the last to benefit from any positive and meaningful change.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I apologise to Senator Ardagh. I did not realise she had indicated a desire to contribute earlier. I will give her the floor and then return to Ms McKenna. I ask Ms McKenna to distribute the questions among her panellists. I know I asked a good few.

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

This is one of the reasons we had the briefing last week. I thank the Chairman for having us in today. As a sector, we are struggling to get this message across and sound the alarm. We need political support to that. It is not just about us as international organisations but about having the political will here in Ireland to be able to scale up what we are doing. There is a huge amount of public support in Ireland for overseas development assistance. Dóchas monitors that on a regular basis and we can see that level of support there. What we require is the energy at a political level to actually draw attention to the crises. We need to use our position on the UN Security Council, our position within the EU and our reputation on a global stage to sound the alarm a bit more strongly. We must scale up ourselves but also advocate for others to do so.

There were a number of questions so I might divide them up between my colleagues. Mr. O'Brien might answer the question about gender and the impact on women and girls, not only from because of this food crisis but a number of other areas we have touched on today.

Mr. Paul O'Brien:

I thank the Cathaoirleach for the opportunity, as well as Ms McKenna. I also thank the members for their questions. It is great to hear that there is such receptivity to the issues we are raising, even though many of us feel quite powerless in this situation. We are extremely proud of Irish overseas aid development, the work done by Irish Aid and the way Irish Aid acts as a donor. We do not have tied aid and we have great flexibility. Even at the time of Covid, Irish Aid showed great flexibility in allowing the agencies to repurpose money in order to deal with the Covid crisis.

I also want to talk about the hunger crisis. I am 37 years in the sector at this stage. I went to Kenya in the mid-1980s, which seems fadó fadó, as my daughter would say to me. This is the worst crisis we have faced. I do not ever remember a crisis cutting right across the whole of Africa. Ms Sidi spoke about west Africa and we are talking about the Horn of Africa, east Africa and the Sahel. We did not even mention Afghanistan and women. We have not even mentioned places like Haiti and so on. I do not think we have ever seen a crisis as large at a time when aid budgets across many countries are under so much pressure. We have talked about the Ukraine crisis, the availability of wheat and oil and what that has done for food availability. There is also the money issue. A lot of European donors are cutting their overseas aid budgets and doing exactly as people feared by putting the money into dealing with the Ukrainian refugee crisis in their countries. That has a worrying impact. The numbers are so great there and that is the big challenge.

What we are starting to talk about here is also very interesting. It is a question of empathy. Are we losing our empathy as a nation? I am very encouraged by the words I am hearing from the members of this committee but there is an issue with the media. There has been a huge focus on Ukraine. It is impossible for us as aid agencies to get the media to look at this crisis and present it as the crisis it is, that is, one of the biggest crises to face us in our generation.

It is very easy to go into the millions of people and children so I might give some anecdotal evidence instead. I was talking to our country director in Somalia yesterday and she told me stories of women having to make choices as to which child they feed that day. I have never heard that before. I have also heard of young girls being very worried when they see their mothers having a chat with a man on the street, because they are worried that conversation will revert to marriage and that they will be married off before the night is done. We are seeing those coping mechanisms coming into play. Ms Sidi has talked about the length of the hunger season and things coming earlier. We are seeing coping mechanisms coming much earlier. We have a massive crisis on our hands. In previous crises, we were confident that if we got the money we might be able to deal with them. With this crisis, we are not so confident because the price of food is going up and the availability is going down. When we look at famine in different countries, we always look at two issues. One is access to food. Sometimes by putting cash in people's hands, they can go and buy food. The other issue is availability and whether food is available on the local market. It is about getting the combination of those two things right. People have to have access through money in their pockets but food also has to be available at a price that is reasonable for people.

I could go on about the hunger season because it is a very interesting question. Ms Sidi will talk about that as well. In my 37 years, people talking about a hunger season is something we got used to. The hunger season is essentially the time between the last harvest and the new harvest coming in. People in different places have coping mechanisms to deal with that. In some places I have seen people resort to making local brew and things like that to numb the hunger at that period. In some places that period is getting longer for people.

I know there are questions around the sustainable development goals, SDGs. For us as agencies the SDGs have almost gone off the agenda a bit. I hate saying that because they are so important. That is probably because we have realised we are going to struggle to meet those exact ones that were mentioned, namely, goals 1, 2 and 5. Those are the ones relating to eradicating poverty and hunger and getting gender equality. I saw a figure recently stating that it will take 137 years to get gender equality at the current pace of progress. I am sorry I could not be more positive but that is the reality we are facing and dealing with at the moment.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

That is a pretty stark presentation.

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

I might bring in Ms Sidi on the question about the hunger season. Maybe she could describe a little more of the reality of what that is like.

Ms Assalama Sidi:

I am in a unique position to talk about that because not only am I the regional director but I am also a west African living in Niger. It is a good question. We talk about the hunger season or lean season. Of course, the word "hunger" is stronger. In west African countries, especially in the Sahel area, a food crisis is not something new. For decades, people in west African countries, especially in the Sahel part, lived at least a hunger season. That hunger season, as described by my predecessor, is the time between the last harvest and the new one. This year, the Covid crisis has made both the world and west African countries more fragile and some of the coping mechanisms community members use are no longer available. It could be something as simple as communities gardening or using tree leaves in a positive way.

There are good tree leaves that some communities use to cope before reaching the next harvest season. Due to climate change in the Sahel region, fewer trees are growing and, due to less food growing, many community members are cutting trees and selling them to cope. It is a vicious circle. To be succinct in my answer, we are seeing the lean or hunger season starting earlier and lasting longer.

Regarding the question on gender, this is what we have witnessed for years. Unfortunately, it is growing worse. The conflict situation is making it worse. Climate change is not new in this part of the world, but conflict is a new factor. During times of conflict, men are the ones who go to battle or are the ones who are targeted by extremist violence in west Africa and the Sahel. In either case, women find themselves being abandoned and must find solutions for feeding their children. Sometimes, this means leaving the community, going from one village to another and exposing themselves to all types of gender-based violence and sexual violence. I would not insist on girls marrying early. It is already a major issue in countries like Niger, where more than 70% of girls are married before their 18th birthdays. Unfortunately, during conflicts and food crises, girls are sometimes more likely to get married even earlier as a coping mechanism.

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

Deputy Clarke asked how we could harness our knowledge and expertise and, given all of the threat multipliers, about what Ireland could do in this context. I will hand over to Ms Van Lieshout to answer.

Ms Mary Van Lieshout:

I will divide that question into a number of sections, consider different ways in which we can act and pick up on some of the other issues that have been raised.

One of the issues that has arisen relates to climate finance. Dóchas has welcomed the Taoiseach's commitment to providing an extra €225 million in climate financing by 2025. We agree with the Deputy that this amount needs to be in addition to existing ODA commitments. We have discussed a separate finance stream for loss and damage to be committed at COP27 in support of low-income countries. A number of the points that the Deputy has raised are points for which Dóchas is advocating, so Ireland will be showing real leadership at COP27.

It is interesting to have Ms Sidi here from Niger. One of the unsung successes of Ireland's term at the UN Security Council, where we have a further six months, was the Irish and Nigerian resolution on the connection between climate and conflict. We came very close to winning that resolution, through which there would have been overall understanding across the General Assembly of the connection between climate and conflict and its impact on hunger. The resolution did not go through because of petty politics at the Security Council, but that does not mean that that time was wasted. Ireland, along with Niger, can stand proud for building that consensus behind the scenes and for nearly getting a new resolution on the issue. This kind of leadership from our time on the council is very important. Ireland needs to continue speaking to UN Security Council Resolution 2417 on climate and security. When we depart the Security Council, we do not depart leadership at the UN. We can leverage that time, just as other former members of the Security Council did with Ireland, sharing their knowledge and experience of the difficult issues and how to bring them a step closer to success. There is much more that can be achieved on the foot of these two years at the Security Council. I just do not want people to see our departure as an end. It is only the beginning of taking advantage of consensus building, which is important in our multilateral relationships.

My final comment is on the questions relating to Covid and vaccine equity. We are aware that the committee has supported vaccine equity. Dóchas has called for vaccine equity since the beginning of the pandemic. We are well aware that vaccination and booster rates in the global south are far behind the global north's. The longer it takes vaccines to reach the global south, the longer we will have new variants emerging and vaccine hesitancy, fuelled by misinformation, taking a deeper hold. Vaccine equity cannot be more urgent than it is. Despite this, the discussions at the World Trade Organization that concluded this week did not go far enough. We need to see the transfer of technology to the global south. We need to see much more courage being shown in answering the call from the public, this committee and the Seanad on supporting vaccine equity. This pandemic will not go away until we are all safe. None of us is safe until we are all safe.

I hope that I have answered at least three parts of the many questions that were asked.

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

I might ask Mr. Byrne to speak about loss and damage.

Mr. Colm Byrne:

I thank Deputy Ó Cathasaigh for that question. I share the sense of helplessness that everyone feels, but I also share the sense of opportunity for Ireland to act that Ms Van Lieshout underlined.

Regarding loss and damage, I will first set out the current state of affairs. The wealthiest 1% are responsible for twice the carbon emissions of the world's poorest 50%. When we talk about loss and damage, we are talking about redressing an imbalance in the global system. Most of the people who are affected by climate change are in the global south. To put it in perspective, they are estimated to number approximately 3.6 billion, or almost half the planet. We are seeing a widening gap between climate pledges and climate action. We are not just discussing targeting countries, but also corporations that are responsible for carbon emissions.

To be practical, I will offer some simple pointers about what we can do. First, we can reduce carbon emissions. There is a responsibility on us all to do this. Second, we can provide grants for adaptation, for example, water conservation, drought-resistant crops and better quality seed. Third, we can target women, noting their particular responsibility for decision making within the household, including household food production. By this, I predominantly mean domestic food production, but women also do the large bulk of hard agricultural labour, which is often unpaid. They also have responsibility for childcare and caring for disabled and sick family members.

Regarding climate finance, Ms Van Lieshout has welcomed the €225 million contribution from the State. Many calculations suggest that Ireland's contribution could even be as high as over €800 million. Importantly, the €225 million should be over and above ODA that has already been committed.

There has been a great deal of discussion around the establishment of a loss and damage fund in advance of COP27. Notably, COP27 is being held in Cairo this year, a part of the world that is very familiar with the impacts of climate change and water shortages. We are asking for the establishment of a non-voluntary loss and damage fund that is based on the principles of justice and equity and is guided, not by the interests of donors, but by the interests of those who need this funding the most.

In terms of targets for COP27 and reducing carbon emissions, we should also look to revise our targets conscious of the need to respond at speed and at scale. I underline what Ms Van Lieshout said. It is really important to acknowledge that Ireland was very active and very outspoken at the Security Council in trying to secure a resolution that recognises the links between climate change and conflict. That resolution was not successful but the opportunity now is for Ireland to remain active on that file and to pass the baton to those who will be on the Security Council in the years to come. This battle goes well beyond the Security Council but we should underline that climate change now is a very serious threat to international peace and security.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I have a question about tackling the climate emergency and how that relates to the witnesses' projections in the introduction to their submission and their path to the goal of 0.7% in 2030. We are moving towards the business end of these projections. The witnesses present the path in what appears to be a reasonable manner but it does illustrate the job Government must do between now and 2030, which is really significant. Having regard to the witnesses' projected increase, where stands the provision of the €225 million per year of climate finance to developing countries by 2025? Is that included in the projections or is it separate money? Where does the €225 million to which the Taoiseach referred stand within the new loss and damage finance stream? Is it part of that? Are we looking at a new stream in addition to that which has been committed by the Taoiseach in the context of loss and damage? It is the desire of this committee that not only would Ireland be represented at COP27 in Cairo by a high-level delegation but that would include the Taoiseach.

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

We are requesting that the €225 million be in addition to increases in ODA. When the Taoiseach announced the commitment to climate finance, that was part of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which commits donor countries to provide new and additional finance resources for the full incremental cost of climate change. We cannot afford to displace funds that are needed for all of the different elements about which we have spoken today in the context of humanitarian funding that is needed, funding to support sustainable food systems etc. Funding for all of those elements, which are very much needed, cannot be moved aside and put into a climate finance budget. We do need this in addition.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Are there any issues arising? If not, I will take concluding comments.

Sorca Clarke (Longford-Westmeath, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I have one supplementary question. We touched on access, availability and these new and not always positive coping mechanisms, for want of a better term. I am very concerned that there is a real risk of normalising the abnormal where copying mechanisms become so ingrained in communities they become the norm despite the fact that they were anything but for previous generations. If we see a cutback in aid donations and in tandem with that, a cutback in development aid programmes, there are people who are hungry and at risk of dying but there are also communities and societies that will not truly benefit from any loss or damage fund. Let us imagine that loss and damage will be agreed at the next COP and that a price or value will be put on it. That money would simply go back into communities and it would bring them back to where they were beforehand. There would be no substantial, meaningful benefit from that level of funding. In terms of the difficulties experienced in respect of access, because aid needs to be delivered in a timely fashion and to a proportionate scale, is there is a risk that accessing medical aid could be withdrawn? We focused on food today but food is not the only aid delivered to countries. Aid comes in very different shapes and sizes. Are we looking at the entire package of aid potentially being reduced or is it specifically around food?

Mr. Paul O'Brien:

The Deputy's question is very interesting. Her description of making what is very abnormal and very negative coping mechanisms normal is a really interesting way of looking at it. Let us be clear. Food is only one part of an overall package. You need medicines to go with it. Even at the very severe end of treating malnutrition, you are treating with a cocktail of drugs, particularly in the case of severely malnourished children, so it is not just about food and making sure it is the appropriate food. The overall mantra from a humanitarian would be that it is the humanitarian imperative, which is fundamentally about saving lives and easing suffering. If you get into chats with some of us, that is really what we would look at. It is about saving lives and easing suffering. That is mostly about food, having the right food that is locally available and making sure people can access that in sufficient quantities. The real challenge with the Ukraine crisis is the availability of wheat and sunflower oil, which were being used to feed significant proportions of populations, particularly around east Africa but also in areas like Lebanon and Egypt. The other side of it is the funding that is being diverted into defence budgets, particularly by the countries in eastern Europe and even central Europe. We have seen what Germany is doing in terms of its defence budget and what Finland is having to do with its defence budget. I have heard some talk here, and I know this committee is concerned with defence as well, about the need to look at defence, although I know it is not as related to the issue of Ukraine compared with some of those other countries. We are seeing the diversion of aid to defence as well aid to Ukrainian refugees in the countries to which they are coming to live.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I will revert to Ms McKenna and the rest of the panellists, particularly Ms Sidi, for final comments. The reason we were very keen to have this meeting in June was to give us the opportunity to reflect on the witnesses' submissions and to produce a report for the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance in the context of the forthcoming budget. Unusually, we seem to be having a very intense and sharp national debate on the budget in the context of issues in our economy and society.

We are very keen to produce a submission to the Government not only to protect the budget of these organisations but also to acknowledge increasing food prices and needs, as well as what Mr. Byrne has said in respect of the widening gap between pledges and action. Unfortunately, that may not be solely related to climate and it could well be referred to in terms of our aggregate increases in the overseas development aid budget.

We will revert to the organisations about the overall messaging they can provide us with and how best they see the ever-increasing needs being met against the background of ever-competing interests, and the need for us at least to ring-fence budgets. We must also acknowledge the fact that ring-fencing of budgets just for this year will not be sufficient, having regard to climate on the one hand and conflict on the other in more and more areas around the world.

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

I might turn to my colleagues for closing remarks.

Ms Assalama Sidi:

Again, I will say thank you very much for having me here as a representative of Oxfam and all the other partners, of course. This is clear evidence that the committee cares about what is going on in Africa and a willingness to provide support, which is really meaningful for Oxfam and all of us, particularly me as an individual sitting here and witnessing concretely with evidence everything happening around me.

If I have a key message it is really around insisting that if donors do not invest more than what they have already committed to, they should not reduce the envelopes they have committed to. That is one message.

We are really living in a global world. We used to say that in the media but it is becoming more of a reality. We have seen with Covid-19 we all became a global world, frightened by a microscopic virus nobody could see and suffering in the same way. That was regardless of where we lived on the planet. Covid-19 has really shed light on the inequalities that are happening in the world, and the Ukraine crisis is doing the same thing. Living in this part of the world, we have seen that donors and governments can easily mobilise billions of dollars to support a cause. In the same way with the humanitarian principle, which is a question of ethics, if people are suffering in Afghanistan and eastern and western Africa, they should be seen as human beings and their suffering should not be ignored. Ultimately, what matters is saving lives.

That is what I have to say. Again, I thank the committee for having me virtually in the room along with other colleagues.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank you for joining and sharing with us your current endeavours and experience.

Ms Mary Van Lieshout:

The committee has heard much today about three particular crises. These are the climate crisis, conflict and Covid-19. It is important to note the fragility of global food systems has been deeply laid bare and exposed by these converging crises, highlighting dangerous dependencies and unequal power relations in food systems that have been at the centre of repeated food crises for decades.

We cannot get away from the fact the failed rainy season of 2022 in the Horn of Africa is predicted to be the driest on record. This represents the most severe drought in 40 years. There are 181 million people facing food insecurity around 41 countries, but many of them, numbering in the millions, in the Horn of Africa will die unless we act. We heard at the outset that one person is likely to die every 48 seconds in that region. That anyone should die of hunger in the 21st century is unacceptable. I know we all agree on that and this is an opportunity to act. We are asking the committee today to support the recommendations in our pre-budget submission across these various dimensions. It is not a one-dimensional response and we are asking the committee's support and to take political action while exercising leadership to prevent a catastrophic humanitarian disaster.

Mr. Colm Byrne:

I will be short and to the point. Ultimately, starvation is a political choice, and we should really underline that point. It is a mistake to enter this conversation of us versus them and domestic versus international. I do not believe it is impossible to do both. As Ms McKenna has said, Irish people are very supportive of Ireland's aid budget and Irish people have always stepped up. It is not always just about money but the opportunity to walk in solidarity with people and join them where they are. All of us are affected by the global food security crisis in one way or another, but standing up and walking tall in partnership with people experiencing crisis is an extraordinarily important gesture and a major source of hope.

There is the aid target of 0.7% of gross national income. We have spoken about protecting the aid budget but we are not even halfway there yet. We have made a commitment to that 0.7% figure and the closest we have come is 0.59% around 2008. We have already fallen backwards, so do not pull the rug from underneath people at their time of greatest need.

I will speak about who ultimately bears the brunt. We have spoken about people in the global south but we have also referred to women and girls. We are talking about a reversal of development gains, child marriage, sexual exploitation and abuse, and girls not having access to education. We should remember that a lack of access to education has lifelong implications, as does being a victim and survivor of sexual violence. Let us hold this ground firmly and not let people down when they need us most.

Mr. Paul O'Brien:

I have pretty much the same message. Living in Ireland, we are very aware there are many competing priorities and there will be very difficult choices to make over the coming months as the budget is prepared. We are aware of the cost of living and energy, along with so many different elements.

It is about keeping the political will because we have seen what this country could do during the Covid-19 crisis. We have seen an amazing response by the country in ensuring people's incomes were not affected. It was amazing to be part of that and living in Ireland during that time. We have also seen the amazing response to Ukraine and how we have welcomed literally thousands of Ukrainians here and found the money to be able to support them. We are saying we should it take it that step further and retain the commitment to the 0.7% figure. There is a plan to reach that and I suppose it is really within the competing priorities to retain the political will to reach it.

The final point is about that leadership question. It is about Ireland's leadership within itself and within Europe and the United Nations.

There is the adage of punching above our weight. We have always managed to do that in terms of example. It is a real challenge to be able to do it now with so many different things happening. I encourage that to happen.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

This has been the most stark presentation the committee has received during my two years as Chair. I recall how useful the engagement was this time last year in terms of our preparation for budgets. I dare say the challenges this year are even more acute. I acknowledge what members have said. In particular I want to refer to the brief but strong contribution of Deputy Cowen. He said clearly that Ireland has a duty and a responsibility to act in these circumstances. So does the committee.

I acknowledge the work of Irish Aid and all of the associated agencies and the leadership of the Department of Foreign Affairs in this regard. I acknowledge the most positive contribution of Dóchas and all of the NGO development organisations under its umbrella. We propose to draft a brief report in the form of a submission to the Government, the Taoiseach and the Department of Foreign Affairs. This is to outline to them in the context of the budgetary preparations, if indeed it is necessary to do so, the need to ensure, in the words of Mr. O'Brien, that Ireland continues to punch above its weight in circumstances that are most challenging.

I acknowledge what Ireland continues to do at the UN Security Council. In particular I reference what Ms Van Lieshout said, that perhaps not all of the resolutions are successful but that is not to say they are meaningless. At a number of levels, there remain opportunities for us to strongly commit and to influence. I acknowledge what Ireland is doing on the International Fund for Agricultural Development. Often we hear of the need to address the causes rather than the symptoms. Sometimes this is even more challenging when we hear statistics on record drought. Nevertheless it is important that we share our leadership in the area of expertise in these pursuits. There is the work Ireland is doing on Nutrition for Growth in terms of funding and expertise. There is also the good and positive relationship between Ireland and the World Food Programme and the many Irish experts who are part of the World Food Programme.

I thank the witnesses for sharing their concerns with us. This meeting has been timely. It is very important that we hear from the witnesses on the very serious challenge that lies ahead in attempting to tackle the multiple crises across the continent from the Horn of Africa to west Africa. In particular to Ms Sidi I say how grateful we are to her for joining us from the front line in Niger. We acknowledge her work and wish her continued good fortune in the challenges she deals with on a daily basis. We also wish her colleagues well under the stewardship of Ms McKenna in Ireland. I thank the witnesses for being with us. We will be happy to share our submission to the Government with them as soon as we have it prepared. It will certainly be well in advance of any agreement on Estimates or budgets the Government might contemplate.

Ms Jane-Ann McKenna:

I thank the Chair and I thank the committee for its time.